The solution to the Sambas riots
The solution to the Sambas riots
By R. Masri Sareb Putra
JAKARTA (JP): Many believe the recent riots in Sambas, West
Kalimantan, are similar to those breaking out in other parts of
the country, including the one in Ambon, Maluku, because they
seem to resemble each other in their casus belli and their
escalation patterns.
However, the backgrounds and the root cause of the riots are
obviously contradictory.
Some parties have alleged that "invisible hands" involving
international provocateurs have played a role behind the scenes
in Sambas. Such an allegation is groundless and exaggerated
because even before the word "provocateur" began to be popular in
this country, similar inter-ethnic rioting had occurred in
Sambas; the latest riot was the ninth since 1967.
This article seeks to provide the background to the Sambas
riot, explore its root cause and offer a solution to the problem
at hand.
As for the motives of the conflict, there are, at least, five
possible reasons for the outbreak of riots on March 16.
First, the riot in Sambas was an accumulation of problems
relating to the integration of the indigenous ethnic group and
Madurese migrants. Prior to the recent riots, conflicts between
the two groups occurred several times; the last outbreak in 1996.
Efforts to bring about reconciliation were made repeatedly.
Second, it is only a coincidence that the two conflicting
ethnic groups profess different religions. Some people consider
the conflict as resulting from antagonism between the two
religions. In fact, religions are in no way connected with these
inter-ethnic conflicts, as religion and ethnicity are two
separate things.
Third, the conflict may have been provoked by a third party
who, knowing the potential for conflict in the area has long been
present in Sambas, fishing in troubled waters.
Fourth, it is always likely that remnants of the Security
Disturbance Movement -- a rebel organization crushed by the Armed
Forces together with local people from 1960 to 1970 -- remain in
existence.
Fifth, this conflict is indeed brought about by development
excesses. The government concentrated its development
undertakings in Java and has, in a way, neglected the regions.
Unfortunately, the people in West Kalimantan are well aware that
while their province is Indonesia's fifth largest foreign-
exchange earner, it is the third poorest province in the country.
The first and third causes may be correct, while the fourth,
which sounds reasonable, is no longer relevant. It is the fifth
cause which is most likely (and almost always the case) to
trigger conflicts. Integration between migrants and indigenous
people has not been running smoothly and is also a contributing
factor.
It is widely known that West Kalimantan is rich in natural
resources, which have lured businessmen to operate mining,
agriculture and forestry ventures. Unfortunately, almost one
third of the province's total area of 146,700 km2, has become
barren land as a result of irresponsible tree felling.
Indigenous people understand that land tilling -- practiced
for generations -- cannot be the reason for the damage to the
province's forestry areas. Unfortunately, the indigenous people
have often been accused of harming the land. In fact, with their
centuries-old traditional farming methods, the indigenous people
know how to take care of the forests. They are aware they cannot
open up farming land in the same area for 15 years, because by
then the trees will have grown and the fertile soil layer will
have become thick enough to farm again.
In short, indigenous people are well aware that nature is part
of their lives and must therefore be conserved. They understand
it is of utmost significance to keep a balance between human
beings and nature. To indigenous people, damaging nature is
tantamount to damaging human beings. Therefore, nature-damaging
acts are customarily punished.
Unfortunately, forest concessionaires do not understand that
indigenous people are close to nature. By damaging nature and
felling trees, be they big or small, forest concessionaires have
dashed to pieces indigenous people's future.
Recently, the situation has deteriorated because the control
of tree felling in West Kalimantan has weakened. It is natural
that forest concessionaires vie for control over land, so that in
many cases it is locals who are victimized. When forest
concessionaires are busy using their chain saws to fell trees,
indigenous locals, who have felled only one tree to meet their
household needs, are accused of stealing. This is indeed a
portrait of injustice.
West Kalimantan is also endowed with abundant gold deposits.
Since the 17th century, Chinese immigrants have mined gold in
Sambas. They first came there at the request of the Sultan of
Sambas, Aboebakar Tadjoedin I. Once, a dispute among gold miners
in the area triggered a civil war.
West Kalimantan's coastal area, from Singkawang to Pemangkat,
Tebas and Sambas, is famous for its fertile soil. Tagged "a rice
granary", the area also produces the famous Pontianak oranges.
Sambas is also known as a copra and pepper producer, two
commodities which, when sold to Malaysia after they are
processed, bring in lucrative proceeds.
It is interesting to find out who owns these mining, forestry,
agricultural and estate companies. Unsurprisingly, the
enterprises are controlled by former president Soeharto's family
members and their associates. Tommy Soeharto, for example, once
monopolized the sale of Pontianak oranges and Soeharto associates
control gold mines in Monterado and Budok.
Indigenous locals have lived in an oppressive atmosphere
brought about by years of exploitation and injustice. During the
New Order era, protests against encroachment upon one's property
and efforts to maintain private ownership were considered acts
against the government. No one dared to stand up against this
unjust allegation.
During the New Order era, the government always discovered
means to suppress the anger of indigenous locals in Sambas. The
suppressed anger was a sort of time bomb; once the anger could be
no longer suppressed, it found its own target and not necessarily
rational ones. Anything could be targeted as long as the anger
could be channeled.
Unfortunately, those targeted are Madurese migrants. In fact,
they have done nothing wrong. What is wrong is the stereotypical
image and opinion built about them. To indigenous locals,
Madurese migrants are often viewed as people sent by the
government to usurp West Kalimantan's agricultural and mining
assets. They are regarded as symbols of a new colonialism which
must be opposed.
The question is: "Who constructed and inflated this image of
Madurese migrants? Provocateurs?" If yes, who are they and what
are their interests?
Even if provocateurs were in Sambas and fanned the riots, the
authorities should have been able to localize the situation in
order to prevent the trouble from escalating. Local leaders are
well aware that riot-related matters must be approached
culturally through customary laws. A security approach,
introduced by the government on several occasions, will never
solve the problem.
However, such a cultural approach was not adopted when a group
of Madurese migrants took revenge upon a group of Malays, killing
a Dayak. To the Dayaks, intentional bloodshed and deaths are
taboo. In such cases, they apply the traditional law of "an eye
for an eye and a tooth for a tooth".
But this traditional law can always be exercised in a
different manner according to the local custom. For example, a
head, can be replaced by another object as long as a special rite
is performed for this purpose.
Unfortunately, security apparatuses were too slow taking
action and were unresponsive to this matter.
Failure to settle this issue on the basis of customary law
made the cries of war unavoidable. The chief of the Dayaks issued
"a red bowl", indicating a declaration of war, which had to be
passed on to the war commander of each tribe. As soon as the red
bowl was received, all Dayaks joined forces to fight against the
attackers.
This kind of war will never be stopped unless a rite is held
to recall the spirit of war. In the case of the recent riot in
Sambas, this rite should have been held immediately to prevent
the riot from escalating and spreading to other places.
In the short term, a rite to recall the spirit of war must be
immediately performed. Then, as is customary, ethnic groups
embroiled in the dispute should draw up, agree to and pledge to
comply with a peace pact.
In the long term, the central government should not repeat
past mistakes. For example, local leaders (governors and district
heads), should be selected among the best candidates in the
region, not from candidates appointed by the government.
Last but not least, the government should not try to once
again avoid responsibility for its actions. The government must
punish those exploiting the natural wealth of West Kalimantan. It
should not scapegoat migrants of a certain ethnic group; these
migrants are innocent.
The writer, born in Sambas, is a Dayak ethnology researcher.
Window: To indigenous locals, Madurese migrants are often viewed
as people sent by the government to usurp West Kalimantan's
agricultural and mining assets. They are regarded as symbols of a
new colonialism which must be opposed.