The solution to the Sambas riots<\/p>\n
By R. Masri Sareb Putra<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): Many believe the recent riots in Sambas, West
\nKalimantan, are similar to those breaking out in other parts of
\nthe country, including the one in Ambon, Maluku, because they
\nseem to resemble each other in their casus belli and their
\nescalation patterns.<\/p>\n
However, the backgrounds and the root cause of the riots are
\nobviously contradictory.<\/p>\n
Some parties have alleged that \"invisible hands\" involving
\ninternational provocateurs have played a role behind the scenes
\nin Sambas. Such an allegation is groundless and exaggerated
\nbecause even before the word \"provocateur\" began to be popular in
\nthis country, similar inter-ethnic rioting had occurred in
\nSambas; the latest riot was the ninth since 1967.<\/p>\n
This article seeks to provide the background to the Sambas
\nriot, explore its root cause and offer a solution to the problem
\nat hand.<\/p>\n
As for the motives of the conflict, there are, at least, five
\npossible reasons for the outbreak of riots on March 16.<\/p>\n
First, the riot in Sambas was an accumulation of problems
\nrelating to the integration of the indigenous ethnic group and
\nMadurese migrants. Prior to the recent riots, conflicts between
\nthe two groups occurred several times; the last outbreak in 1996.
\nEfforts to bring about reconciliation were made repeatedly.<\/p>\n
Second, it is only a coincidence that the two conflicting
\nethnic groups profess different religions. Some people consider
\nthe conflict as resulting from antagonism between the two
\nreligions. In fact, religions are in no way connected with these
\ninter-ethnic conflicts, as religion and ethnicity are two
\nseparate things.<\/p>\n
Third, the conflict may have been provoked by a third party
\nwho, knowing the potential for conflict in the area has long been
\npresent in Sambas, fishing in troubled waters.<\/p>\n
Fourth, it is always likely that remnants of the Security
\nDisturbance Movement -- a rebel organization crushed by the Armed
\nForces together with local people from 1960 to 1970 -- remain in
\nexistence.<\/p>\n
Fifth, this conflict is indeed brought about by development
\nexcesses. The government concentrated its development
\nundertakings in Java and has, in a way, neglected the regions.
\nUnfortunately, the people in West Kalimantan are well aware that
\nwhile their province is Indonesia's fifth largest foreign-
\nexchange earner, it is the third poorest province in the country.<\/p>\n
The first and third causes may be correct, while the fourth,
\nwhich sounds reasonable, is no longer relevant. It is the fifth
\ncause which is most likely (and almost always the case) to
\ntrigger conflicts. Integration between migrants and indigenous
\npeople has not been running smoothly and is also a contributing
\nfactor.<\/p>\n
It is widely known that West Kalimantan is rich in natural
\nresources, which have lured businessmen to operate mining,
\nagriculture and forestry ventures. Unfortunately, almost one
\nthird of the province's total area of 146,700 km2, has become
\nbarren land as a result of irresponsible tree felling.<\/p>\n
Indigenous people understand that land tilling -- practiced
\nfor generations -- cannot be the reason for the damage to the
\nprovince's forestry areas. Unfortunately, the indigenous people
\nhave often been accused of harming the land. In fact, with their
\ncenturies-old traditional farming methods, the indigenous people
\nknow how to take care of the forests. They are aware they cannot
\nopen up farming land in the same area for 15 years, because by
\nthen the trees will have grown and the fertile soil layer will
\nhave become thick enough to farm again.<\/p>\n
In short, indigenous people are well aware that nature is part
\nof their lives and must therefore be conserved. They understand
\nit is of utmost significance to keep a balance between human
\nbeings and nature. To indigenous people, damaging nature is
\ntantamount to damaging human beings. Therefore, nature-damaging
\nacts are customarily punished.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, forest concessionaires do not understand that
\nindigenous people are close to nature. By damaging nature and
\nfelling trees, be they big or small, forest concessionaires have
\ndashed to pieces indigenous people's future.<\/p>\n
Recently, the situation has deteriorated because the control
\nof tree felling in West Kalimantan has weakened. It is natural
\nthat forest concessionaires vie for control over land, so that in
\nmany cases it is locals who are victimized. When forest
\nconcessionaires are busy using their chain saws to fell trees,
\nindigenous locals, who have felled only one tree to meet their
\nhousehold needs, are accused of stealing. This is indeed a
\nportrait of injustice.<\/p>\n
West Kalimantan is also endowed with abundant gold deposits.
\nSince the 17th century, Chinese immigrants have mined gold in
\nSambas. They first came there at the request of the Sultan of
\nSambas, Aboebakar Tadjoedin I. Once, a dispute among gold miners
\nin the area triggered a civil war.<\/p>\n
West Kalimantan's coastal area, from Singkawang to Pemangkat,
\nTebas and Sambas, is famous for its fertile soil. Tagged \"a rice
\ngranary\", the area also produces the famous Pontianak oranges.<\/p>\n
Sambas is also known as a copra and pepper producer, two
\ncommodities which, when sold to Malaysia after they are
\nprocessed, bring in lucrative proceeds.<\/p>\n
It is interesting to find out who owns these mining, forestry,
\nagricultural and estate companies. Unsurprisingly, the
\nenterprises are controlled by former president Soeharto's family
\nmembers and their associates. Tommy Soeharto, for example, once
\nmonopolized the sale of Pontianak oranges and Soeharto associates
\ncontrol gold mines in Monterado and Budok.<\/p>\n
Indigenous locals have lived in an oppressive atmosphere
\nbrought about by years of exploitation and injustice. During the
\nNew Order era, protests against encroachment upon one's property
\nand efforts to maintain private ownership were considered acts
\nagainst the government. No one dared to stand up against this
\nunjust allegation.<\/p>\n
During the New Order era, the government always discovered
\nmeans to suppress the anger of indigenous locals in Sambas. The
\nsuppressed anger was a sort of time bomb; once the anger could be
\nno longer suppressed, it found its own target and not necessarily
\nrational ones. Anything could be targeted as long as the anger
\ncould be channeled.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, those targeted are Madurese migrants. In fact,
\nthey have done nothing wrong. What is wrong is the stereotypical
\nimage and opinion built about them. To indigenous locals,
\nMadurese migrants are often viewed as people sent by the
\ngovernment to usurp West Kalimantan's agricultural and mining
\nassets. They are regarded as symbols of a new colonialism which
\nmust be opposed.<\/p>\n
The question is: \"Who constructed and inflated this image of
\nMadurese migrants? Provocateurs?\" If yes, who are they and what
\nare their interests?<\/p>\n
Even if provocateurs were in Sambas and fanned the riots, the
\nauthorities should have been able to localize the situation in
\norder to prevent the trouble from escalating. Local leaders are
\nwell aware that riot-related matters must be approached
\nculturally through customary laws. A security approach,
\nintroduced by the government on several occasions, will never
\nsolve the problem.<\/p>\n
However, such a cultural approach was not adopted when a group
\nof Madurese migrants took revenge upon a group of Malays, killing
\na Dayak. To the Dayaks, intentional bloodshed and deaths are
\ntaboo. In such cases, they apply the traditional law of \"an eye
\nfor an eye and a tooth for a tooth\".<\/p>\n
But this traditional law can always be exercised in a
\ndifferent manner according to the local custom. For example, a
\nhead, can be replaced by another object as long as a special rite
\nis performed for this purpose.<\/p>\n
Unfortunately, security apparatuses were too slow taking
\naction and were unresponsive to this matter.<\/p>\n
Failure to settle this issue on the basis of customary law
\nmade the cries of war unavoidable. The chief of the Dayaks issued
\n\"a red bowl\", indicating a declaration of war, which had to be
\npassed on to the war commander of each tribe. As soon as the red
\nbowl was received, all Dayaks joined forces to fight against the
\nattackers.<\/p>\n
This kind of war will never be stopped unless a rite is held
\nto recall the spirit of war. In the case of the recent riot in
\nSambas, this rite should have been held immediately to prevent
\nthe riot from escalating and spreading to other places.<\/p>\n
In the short term, a rite to recall the spirit of war must be
\nimmediately performed. Then, as is customary, ethnic groups
\nembroiled in the dispute should draw up, agree to and pledge to
\ncomply with a peace pact.<\/p>\n
In the long term, the central government should not repeat
\npast mistakes. For example, local leaders (governors and district
\nheads), should be selected among the best candidates in the
\nregion, not from candidates appointed by the government.<\/p>\n
Last but not least, the government should not try to once
\nagain avoid responsibility for its actions. The government must
\npunish those exploiting the natural wealth of West Kalimantan. It
\nshould not scapegoat migrants of a certain ethnic group; these
\nmigrants are innocent.<\/p>\n
The writer, born in Sambas, is a Dayak ethnology researcher.<\/p>\n
Window: To indigenous locals, Madurese migrants are often viewed
\nas people sent by the government to usurp West Kalimantan's
\nagricultural and mining assets. They are regarded as symbols of a
\nnew colonialism which must be opposed.<\/p>",
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