Resolute negotiations for Thailand and Myanmar
Resolute negotiations for Thailand and Myanmar
Don Pathan, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok
When they really needed it the most, it wasn't there. But
after two years of putting it off, the Thai-Burma (Myanmar) Joint
Commission is now back on track.
Chaired by the respective foreign ministers of the two
countries, the Thai-Burma JC is the highest level of
institutionalized working relationship between the two
governments.
The meeting in Phuket from Jan. 7-9 is expected to discuss a
wide range of issues, from the repatriation of refugees to joint
anti-narcotics efforts, as well as economic cooperation. The JC
mechanism is being revived at a time when bilateral ties between
the two countries appear to be improving. But dig deeper, say
Thai army and government officials, and you will find hard
feelings and deep-rooted suspicion are still very much alive. It
will take more than just a few official visits and handshakes to
close this extraordinarily complex chapter in Thai-Burmese
history, they say.
For the past eight years following a short-lived honeymoon
started by a visit by then Army chief Gen. Chavalit Yongchaiyudh
to Rangoon (Yangon) after the takeover by Burmese generals in
1988, Thai-Burmese relations have been characterized by mutual
criticism and violence along the border.
One of these incidents took place almost a year ago when day-
long cross-border shelling resulted in the death of scores of
people from both sides. The shelling, which brought bilateral
ties to its lowest ebb, was followed by months of stand-offs
between the two armed forces, some of whom were positioned just
metres apart. The clashes broke out shortly after Thaksin
Shinawatra was sworn in as the new prime minister.
A war of words between the two sides then continued for some
time, with respective commanders accusing their counterparts of
taking kickbacks from drug dealers. The rhetoric began to die
down following Thaksin's visit to Rangoon in June. The trip was
billed as a fence-mending trip during which an olive branch was
extended to the Burmese. Thus begun a cooling off period.
Today, in spite of the absence of rhetoric, Bangkok-based
diplomats, Thai government officials and army commanders insist
tension remains. The same old problems -- Burmese refugees, anti-
Rangoon insurgents and drug trafficking along the border --
continue to sour relations between the two countries.
Nevertheless, the Thaksin government is convinced it can make
things better.
Since Thai Rak Thai first hit the campaign trail, those
surrounding Thaksin have gone to great lengths to spell out the
party's philosophy in dealing with Burma and other neighboring
countries.
Thailand's interest, they say, is best served by strengthened
economic cooperation with its neighbors. By increasing business
and trade with Burma, Bangkok will be able to move toward
normalizing relations with Rangoon. Other problems such as
illegal migration and drug trafficking could then be dealt with
through the proper channels.
It sounded good, especially to those waiting to cash in on
short-term gains from improved Thai-Burmese relations. But for
others, particularly drug officials and military personnel on the
frontlines, it was wishful thinking.
During the Chuan Leekpai administration, Thai-Burmese
relations experienced a number of hiccups. Thailand took up
issues that annoyed not only Burma, but other ASEAN members as
well. But for a regional grouping with no political will to
tackle sensitive issues, ASEAN tends to react testily to any
mention of subjects such as human rights or transnational
security problems. That is exacerbated when a member is singled
out as the source of the problems.
And so when Thailand broke ranks with ASEAN by not voting
against a resolution from the International Labour Organization
to condemn Burma's practice of forced labour, things began to get
nasty.
Regarding drugs, the previous administration also made it
clear Rangoon must be accountable for the illicit activities of
the United Wa State Army (UWSA), which over the years has
expanded its operations and control along the Chinese border to
areas adjacent to Thailand's northern provinces. Thousands of
ethnic Wa and Chinese have been transported in flatbed trucks to
Burma's border with China and relocated to UWSA-controlled areas
adjacent to Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai.
For the Thai security apparatus, the UWSA, which operates
somewhat independently of Rangoon, has essentially became a
scapegoat. But at the same time, the 20,000-strong Wa army has
became a pawn in Rangoon's dealings with Thailand.
Border checkpoints leading to UWSA-controlled areas just
kilometers away from the border were shut, and over 1,000 Thai
nationals working in construction were ordered back home. But
with this increased security along the Golden Triangle area,
methamphetamines from the UWSA's labs trickled in elsewhere --
along the banks of the Mekong River in Northeast Thailand and at
various spots stretching from Tak province all the way down to
the coastal town of Ranong.
However, the Thaksin government has decided to engaged the Wa
through a tripartite dialogue with Rangoon. There is talk of a
Bt20 million crop-substitution project financed by Thai taxpayers
in Wa-controlled areas near the border.
But the move has irked Thailand's frontline commanders who,
according to military sources, have a plan of their own -- to
penetrate the UWSA and plant a disruptive seed inside the
organization. It is a long shot but worth a try, they say.
But with the talks with the Wa off the ground, Thailand has
effectively freed Rangoon of any burden for the illicit
activities of the UWSA. "They can just say it's between you and
the Wa now," said one senior officer who spoke on condition of
anonymity