Resolute negotiations for Thailand and Myanmar<\/p>\n
Don Pathan, The Nation, Asia News Network, Bangkok<\/p>\n
When they really needed it the most, it wasn't there. But
\nafter two years of putting it off, the Thai-Burma (Myanmar) Joint
\nCommission is now back on track.<\/p>\n
Chaired by the respective foreign ministers of the two
\ncountries, the Thai-Burma JC is the highest level of
\ninstitutionalized working relationship between the two
\ngovernments.<\/p>\n
The meeting in Phuket from Jan. 7-9 is expected to discuss a
\nwide range of issues, from the repatriation of refugees to joint
\nanti-narcotics efforts, as well as economic cooperation. The JC
\nmechanism is being revived at a time when bilateral ties between
\nthe two countries appear to be improving. But dig deeper, say
\nThai army and government officials, and you will find hard
\nfeelings and deep-rooted suspicion are still very much alive. It
\nwill take more than just a few official visits and handshakes to
\nclose this extraordinarily complex chapter in Thai-Burmese
\nhistory, they say.<\/p>\n
For the past eight years following a short-lived honeymoon
\nstarted by a visit by then Army chief Gen. Chavalit Yongchaiyudh
\nto Rangoon (Yangon) after the takeover by Burmese generals in
\n1988, Thai-Burmese relations have been characterized by mutual
\ncriticism and violence along the border.<\/p>\n
One of these incidents took place almost a year ago when day-
\nlong cross-border shelling resulted in the death of scores of
\npeople from both sides. The shelling, which brought bilateral
\nties to its lowest ebb, was followed by months of stand-offs
\nbetween the two armed forces, some of whom were positioned just
\nmetres apart. The clashes broke out shortly after Thaksin
\nShinawatra was sworn in as the new prime minister.<\/p>\n
A war of words between the two sides then continued for some
\ntime, with respective commanders accusing their counterparts of
\ntaking kickbacks from drug dealers. The rhetoric began to die
\ndown following Thaksin's visit to Rangoon in June. The trip was
\nbilled as a fence-mending trip during which an olive branch was
\nextended to the Burmese. Thus begun a cooling off period.<\/p>\n
Today, in spite of the absence of rhetoric, Bangkok-based
\ndiplomats, Thai government officials and army commanders insist
\ntension remains. The same old problems -- Burmese refugees, anti-
\nRangoon insurgents and drug trafficking along the border --
\ncontinue to sour relations between the two countries.
\nNevertheless, the Thaksin government is convinced it can make
\nthings better.<\/p>\n
Since Thai Rak Thai first hit the campaign trail, those
\nsurrounding Thaksin have gone to great lengths to spell out the
\nparty's philosophy in dealing with Burma and other neighboring
\ncountries.<\/p>\n
Thailand's interest, they say, is best served by strengthened
\neconomic cooperation with its neighbors. By increasing business
\nand trade with Burma, Bangkok will be able to move toward
\nnormalizing relations with Rangoon. Other problems such as
\nillegal migration and drug trafficking could then be dealt with
\nthrough the proper channels.<\/p>\n
It sounded good, especially to those waiting to cash in on
\nshort-term gains from improved Thai-Burmese relations. But for
\nothers, particularly drug officials and military personnel on the
\nfrontlines, it was wishful thinking.<\/p>\n
During the Chuan Leekpai administration, Thai-Burmese
\nrelations experienced a number of hiccups. Thailand took up
\nissues that annoyed not only Burma, but other ASEAN members as
\nwell. But for a regional grouping with no political will to
\ntackle sensitive issues, ASEAN tends to react testily to any
\nmention of subjects such as human rights or transnational
\nsecurity problems. That is exacerbated when a member is singled
\nout as the source of the problems.<\/p>\n
And so when Thailand broke ranks with ASEAN by not voting
\nagainst a resolution from the International Labour Organization
\nto condemn Burma's practice of forced labour, things began to get
\nnasty.<\/p>\n
Regarding drugs, the previous administration also made it
\nclear Rangoon must be accountable for the illicit activities of
\nthe United Wa State Army (UWSA), which over the years has
\nexpanded its operations and control along the Chinese border to
\nareas adjacent to Thailand's northern provinces. Thousands of
\nethnic Wa and Chinese have been transported in flatbed trucks to
\nBurma's border with China and relocated to UWSA-controlled areas
\nadjacent to Chiang Mai and Chiang Rai.<\/p>\n
For the Thai security apparatus, the UWSA, which operates
\nsomewhat independently of Rangoon, has essentially became a
\nscapegoat. But at the same time, the 20,000-strong Wa army has
\nbecame a pawn in Rangoon's dealings with Thailand.<\/p>\n
Border checkpoints leading to UWSA-controlled areas just
\nkilometers away from the border were shut, and over 1,000 Thai
\nnationals working in construction were ordered back home. But
\nwith this increased security along the Golden Triangle area,
\nmethamphetamines from the UWSA's labs trickled in elsewhere --
\nalong the banks of the Mekong River in Northeast Thailand and at
\nvarious spots stretching from Tak province all the way down to
\nthe coastal town of Ranong.<\/p>\n
However, the Thaksin government has decided to engaged the Wa
\nthrough a tripartite dialogue with Rangoon. There is talk of a
\nBt20 million crop-substitution project financed by Thai taxpayers
\nin Wa-controlled areas near the border.<\/p>\n
But the move has irked Thailand's frontline commanders who,
\naccording to military sources, have a plan of their own -- to
\npenetrate the UWSA and plant a disruptive seed inside the
\norganization. It is a long shot but worth a try, they say.<\/p>\n
But with the talks with the Wa off the ground, Thailand has
\neffectively freed Rangoon of any burden for the illicit
\nactivities of the UWSA. "They can just say it's between you and
\nthe Wa now," said one senior officer who spoke on condition of
\nanonymity<\/p>",
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