ASEAN flirts with the three big Asian powers

Kavi Chongkittavorn The Nation Asia News Network Bangkok

"Virtual promiscuity" was the term used by an ASEAN delegate in describing the grouping's simultaneous relations with China, Japan and India. This is the kind of multiple courtship that ASEAN likes.

The September 11 attacks and the war on international terrorism have turned Southeast Asia -- at one point considered a sunset organization -- into a strategic linchpin in this part of the world. In addition, Washington's declaration that the region is the second front on the war on terrorism also prompts these Asian powers to counter growing U.S. influence. China has already signed a non-traditional security cooperation agreement with ASEAN, including terrorism, while India and ASEAN will issue a Joint Declaration for Cooperation to Combat International Terrorism at the Bali summit next week.

At this juncture, despite the myriad problems ASEAN has encountered -- including the global shunning of Burma that tarnished the grouping's reputation -- it can still flirt with outside powers.

However, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, Japanese Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi and Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee will find out before long at the summit that their relations with ASEAN are asymmetrical at best and still need a lot of attention and nurturing.

Indeed, unwavering attention has been the hallmark of China's policy towards ASEAN after their relations hit an all-time low over a dispute over the mineral-rich South China Sea in March 1995. ASEAN issued a joint statement at that time deploring China's actions against the Philippines -- one of the ASEAN claimants -- over the Mischief Reefs. That was one time that ASEAN had the courage to stand firm against China.

The dispute, nonetheless, taught both sides a valuable lesson: they could continue to engage in mutually destructive exercises through realpolitik or they could opt for more constructive ties and cooperation. Fortunately, they have chosen the latter path and persistently stayed the course.

Little wonder, in the past eight years, that China has emerged as the most pivotal Asian power that is shaping ASEAN and beyond. Its relations with ASEAN are the most comprehensive in all fields and at all levels, much to the envy of other dialogue partners.

In Bali, ASEAN-Chinese friendship will intertwine even more, as the ASEAN members will officially become "strategic partners" with China, followed the successful launching of FTA (Free Trade Agreement) negotiations last year. The China-ASEAN Strategic Partnership Joint Declaration will level ASEAN's political playing field further as it will encompass security elements, hitherto dominated by the U.S. since the end of World War II. Like ASEAN, the U.S. and Russia are also in a strategic partnership with China.

To demonstrate Beijing's goodwill towards the code of regional conduct, China will in Bali become the first nuclear power to accede to the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC). At the Singapore summit in 1992, ASEAN leaders jointly urged the major powers to accept the TAC principles, which include the non-use of force and non-interference in internal affairs as part of the grouping's diplomacy to prevent meddling from outside powers.

In response to the Chinese challenge, Japan -- ASEAN's biggest donor and investor -- has already put forward a new framework of cooperation with the grouping.

Earlier on, Japan expected the proposed Japan-ASEAN Charter to be signed in Tokyo when their leaders meet on Dec. 11-12 to commemorate the 25th anniversary of their relations. However, the ongoing discussions among their senior officials show difficulties in accepting the Japanese framework.

One ASEAN country has asked Japan to drop the title "charter" and use a less binding word instead. After all, it argued, Japan had never demonstrated its willingness to provide a long-term commitment to the grouping anyway. ASEAN has frequently pointed to the current economic negotiations with Japan, which are proceeding at a snail's pace. While China will soon start to implement the early harvest scheme of the ASEAN-China FTA, Japan and ASEAN will sign a framework for comprehensive economic partnership -- not an FTA as ASEAN had requested.

Japan thinks that the charter, which takes its inspiration from the UN charter, will serve as the bedrock of long-term ASEAN-Japanese relations. Tokyo realizes that after all these years friendship with ASEAN, while cordial, close and correct, lack the intimacy necessary for fuller cooperation. In the minds of Japanese policymakers, the charter, which treats ASEAN as an equal partner and contains many TAC components, could in a way circumvent Japan's firm refusal to accede to the TAC.

Indeed, ASEAN-Japanese ties are at a crossroads despite hundreds of elaborate and much-hyped commemorative events this year. With China, and from this year onward India, fully engaging with ASEAN, Japan is searching deep down -- this time outside its pockets -- how it can adapt to the new environment. Radical concessions from Japan -- such as wider market access that moves far beyond the wishes of local constituencies -- could save the day. But no ASEAN country expects Japan to do this anytime soon.

Beyond economic benefits, it will also take a Japan that is linked closely to the region to win the hearts and minds of ASEAN. Beyond diplomatic pleasantries, Japanese leaders have yet to demonstrate their deep understanding of the insights of ASEAN.

Latecomer India has done a better job. Since its Look East policy of 1992, India has moved slowly but firmly in solidifying relations with ASEAN. India's willingness to open its much- guarded domestic market has been hailed by ASEAN. It will sign a framework on comprehensive economic cooperation with the ASEAN leaders to kick off their first summit meeting.

Prospects for ASEAN-Indian cooperation in the long haul look promising. As ASEAN puts emphasis on the development of information and communication technologies, India can spearhead this effort. Furthermore, India, with its TAC accession in Bali, together with China, will form the inner ring of ASEAN's external relations.

The active involvement of big Asian powers has rejuvenated ASEAN and enhanced its ability to face future challenges.