ASEAN flirts with the three big Asian powers<\/p>\n
Kavi Chongkittavorn
\nThe Nation
\nAsia News Network
\nBangkok<\/p>\n
"Virtual promiscuity" was the term used by an ASEAN delegate
\nin describing the grouping's simultaneous relations with China,
\nJapan and India. This is the kind of multiple courtship that
\nASEAN likes.<\/p>\n
The September 11 attacks and the war on international
\nterrorism have turned Southeast Asia -- at one point considered a
\nsunset organization -- into a strategic linchpin in this part of
\nthe world. In addition, Washington's declaration that the region
\nis the second front on the war on terrorism also prompts these
\nAsian powers to counter growing U.S. influence. China has already
\nsigned a non-traditional security cooperation agreement with
\nASEAN, including terrorism, while India and ASEAN will issue a
\nJoint Declaration for Cooperation to Combat International
\nTerrorism at the Bali summit next week.<\/p>\n
At this juncture, despite the myriad problems ASEAN has
\nencountered -- including the global shunning of Burma that
\ntarnished the grouping's reputation -- it can still flirt with
\noutside powers.<\/p>\n
However, Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao, Japanese Prime Minister
\nJunichiro Koizumi and Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee
\nwill find out before long at the summit that their relations with
\nASEAN are asymmetrical at best and still need a lot of attention
\nand nurturing.<\/p>\n
Indeed, unwavering attention has been the hallmark of China's
\npolicy towards ASEAN after their relations hit an all-time low
\nover a dispute over the mineral-rich South China Sea in March
\n1995. ASEAN issued a joint statement at that time deploring
\nChina's actions against the Philippines -- one of the ASEAN
\nclaimants -- over the Mischief Reefs. That was one time that
\nASEAN had the courage to stand firm against China.<\/p>\n
The dispute, nonetheless, taught both sides a valuable lesson:
\nthey could continue to engage in mutually destructive exercises
\nthrough realpolitik or they could opt for more constructive ties
\nand cooperation. Fortunately, they have chosen the latter path
\nand persistently stayed the course.<\/p>\n
Little wonder, in the past eight years, that China has emerged
\nas the most pivotal Asian power that is shaping ASEAN and beyond.
\nIts relations with ASEAN are the most comprehensive in all fields
\nand at all levels, much to the envy of other dialogue partners.<\/p>\n
In Bali, ASEAN-Chinese friendship will intertwine even more,
\nas the ASEAN members will officially become "strategic partners"
\nwith China, followed the successful launching of FTA (Free Trade
\nAgreement) negotiations last year. The China-ASEAN Strategic
\nPartnership Joint Declaration will level ASEAN's political
\nplaying field further as it will encompass security elements,
\nhitherto dominated by the U.S. since the end of World War II.
\nLike ASEAN, the U.S. and Russia are also in a strategic
\npartnership with China.<\/p>\n
To demonstrate Beijing's goodwill towards the code of regional
\nconduct, China will in Bali become the first nuclear power to
\naccede to the 1976 Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC). At the
\nSingapore summit in 1992, ASEAN leaders jointly urged the major
\npowers to accept the TAC principles, which include the non-use of
\nforce and non-interference in internal affairs as part of the
\ngrouping's diplomacy to prevent meddling from outside powers.<\/p>\n
In response to the Chinese challenge, Japan -- ASEAN's biggest
\ndonor and investor -- has already put forward a new framework of
\ncooperation with the grouping.<\/p>\n
Earlier on, Japan expected the proposed Japan-ASEAN Charter to
\nbe signed in Tokyo when their leaders meet on Dec. 11-12 to
\ncommemorate the 25th anniversary of their relations. However, the
\nongoing discussions among their senior officials show
\ndifficulties in accepting the Japanese framework.<\/p>\n
One ASEAN country has asked Japan to drop the title "charter"
\nand use a less binding word instead. After all, it argued, Japan
\nhad never demonstrated its willingness to provide a long-term
\ncommitment to the grouping anyway. ASEAN has frequently pointed
\nto the current economic negotiations with Japan, which are
\nproceeding at a snail's pace. While China will soon start to
\nimplement the early harvest scheme of the ASEAN-China FTA, Japan
\nand ASEAN will sign a framework for comprehensive economic
\npartnership -- not an FTA as ASEAN had requested.<\/p>\n
Japan thinks that the charter, which takes its inspiration
\nfrom the UN charter, will serve as the bedrock of long-term
\nASEAN-Japanese relations. Tokyo realizes that after all these
\nyears friendship with ASEAN, while cordial, close and correct,
\nlack the intimacy necessary for fuller cooperation. In the minds
\nof Japanese policymakers, the charter, which treats ASEAN as an
\nequal partner and contains many TAC components, could in a way
\ncircumvent Japan's firm refusal to accede to the TAC.<\/p>\n
Indeed, ASEAN-Japanese ties are at a crossroads despite
\nhundreds of elaborate and much-hyped commemorative events this
\nyear. With China, and from this year onward India, fully engaging
\nwith ASEAN, Japan is searching deep down -- this time outside its
\npockets -- how it can adapt to the new environment. Radical
\nconcessions from Japan -- such as wider market access that moves
\nfar beyond the wishes of local constituencies -- could save the
\nday. But no ASEAN country expects Japan to do this anytime soon.<\/p>\n
Beyond economic benefits, it will also take a Japan that is
\nlinked closely to the region to win the hearts and minds of
\nASEAN. Beyond diplomatic pleasantries, Japanese leaders have yet
\nto demonstrate their deep understanding of the insights of ASEAN.<\/p>\n
Latecomer India has done a better job. Since its Look East
\npolicy of 1992, India has moved slowly but firmly in solidifying
\nrelations with ASEAN. India's willingness to open its much-
\nguarded domestic market has been hailed by ASEAN. It will sign a
\nframework on comprehensive economic cooperation with the ASEAN
\nleaders to kick off their first summit meeting.<\/p>\n
Prospects for ASEAN-Indian cooperation in the long haul look
\npromising. As ASEAN puts emphasis on the development of
\ninformation and communication technologies, India can spearhead
\nthis effort. Furthermore, India, with its TAC accession in Bali,
\ntogether with China, will form the inner ring of ASEAN's external
\nrelations.<\/p>\n
The active involvement of big Asian powers has rejuvenated
\nASEAN and enhanced its ability to face future challenges.<\/p>",
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