Why TNI reluctant to vote

Imanuddin, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

A statement by then Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Adm. Widodo A.S. on June 17, or one day before he handed over his command baton to Gen. Endriartono Sutarto, that the TNI wanted to remain in the legislature and have its voting rights delayed until 2009 shocked the country, especially the politicians in the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR).

The statement was indeed controversial, particularly as it was made by an officer about to vacate his post. Common practice here does not allow an officer to make statements or issue policies while he or she is about to retire or leave their post, as it could be considered fait accompli by his or her successor.

It was also controversial as the statement was made as deliberations of the bill on general elections -- submitted by the government in May to the House of Representatives (DPR), which proposes restoring the right of members of the TNI, along with the National Police, to vote in the 2004 elections -- were ongoing.

Widodo argued that the proposed bill would force the TNI/Police to leave the legislature in 2004, contradicting an MPR decree allowing it to stay in the country's highest legislative body until 2009.

He was referring to Assembly Decree No. VII/2000 that grants seats to TNI/National Police in the Assembly until 2009, while also stipulating that members of the military and police have no voting rights and no right to contest elections. The decree also regulates that both forces should remain neutral and stay out of politics.

Indeed, the bill on general elections itself is controversial.

The bill stipulates that members of the TNI and the National Police can be elected to a Regional Representative Council (DPD), provided they obtain permission from their superiors.

The DPD is a new institution proposed by the bill. Currently, the Assembly consists of House members, regional representatives and interest groups. Under the amended Constitution, the Assembly would consist of House members plus 120 elected DPD members representing 30 provinces.

These proposed changes, should they be accepted, would not only negate MPR Decree No. VII/2000, but would virtually reopen the door for the TNI to reenter politics after 2009.

Many have criticized Widodo's statement as harming the ongoing process of democratization in the country, especially in the military, and going against the TNI's commitment to internal reform.

Others have accused TNI of being unwilling to quit the political arena before 2009.

Some of these arguments might be correct. Because, whether Indonesians like it or not, TNI (formerly ABRI) has been involved in the country's political affairs since founding president Sukarno was still in office.

TNI's involvement in politics continued and grew stronger along with the promotion of then Army Maj. Gen. Soeharto to the presidency, replacing Sukarno who was accused of complicity with the now banned Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).

Many observers have blamed the TNI's involvement in politics for the limitations on the people's political rights and the New Order regime's repressive approach toward its people.

But a senior military officer once said that it was for the sake of national integrity and to prevent the reemergence of the communists that TNI insisted on being involved in the country's political affairs.

But what was the likely reason for Widodo, and the TNI, to ask for a delay in its voting rights?

It does not appear to be that difficult to answer this question, as Widodo himself hinted at the answer in a statement to journalists at the TNI Headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta, on June 17.

The former TNI chief said he wanted the TNI and the Police to remain in the legislature until 2009, to give the two institutions time to "consolidate".

As simple as that? The answer is both yes and no.

Yes, because the TNI and the Police need time to calculate how many votes they will and should get when their members are granted the right to vote.

No, because logically it will be impossible for the TNI and the Police to secure the 38 seats in the House they now get for "free" if their members vote in the 2004 elections.

In the current electoral system, a seat in the House is worth 400,000 votes. So the TNI and the Police, whose combined forces amount to about 420,000, would likely only get one seat in the House.

The TNI/Police performance in the general elections would be different if the two institutions included their retired officers and their families, besides those still active.

There is no official statistical data on the actual number of people in the TNI and Police families, including those still active, retired and their family members.

Simple mathematical calculations show that if there are a total of 20 million eligible voters from the entire TNI and Police families, the two institutions would secure 50 seats in the 500-strong House of Representatives, which is more than enough to play a significant role in the country's law-making body.

So, this is what Widodo likely meant by consolidation, as it would be nearly impossible for the TNI and the Police to consolidate their active and retired members in the two years before the 2004 elections.