Why TNI reluctant to vote<\/p>\n
Imanuddin, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta<\/p>\n
A statement by then Indonesian Military (TNI) chief Adm.
\nWidodo A.S. on June 17, or one day before he handed over his
\ncommand baton to Gen. Endriartono Sutarto, that the TNI wanted to
\nremain in the legislature and have its voting rights delayed
\nuntil 2009 shocked the country, especially the politicians in the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly (MPR).<\/p>\n
The statement was indeed controversial, particularly as it was
\nmade by an officer about to vacate his post. Common practice here
\ndoes not allow an officer to make statements or issue policies
\nwhile he or she is about to retire or leave their post, as it
\ncould be considered fait accompli by his or her successor.<\/p>\n
It was also controversial as the statement was made as
\ndeliberations of the bill on general elections -- submitted by
\nthe government in May to the House of Representatives (DPR),
\nwhich proposes restoring the right of members of the TNI, along
\nwith the National Police, to vote in the 2004 elections -- were
\nongoing.<\/p>\n
Widodo argued that the proposed bill would force the
\nTNI\/Police to leave the legislature in 2004, contradicting an MPR
\ndecree allowing it to stay in the country's highest legislative
\nbody until 2009.<\/p>\n
He was referring to Assembly Decree No. VII\/2000 that grants
\nseats to TNI\/National Police in the Assembly until 2009, while
\nalso stipulating that members of the military and police have no
\nvoting rights and no right to contest elections. The decree also
\nregulates that both forces should remain neutral and stay out of
\npolitics.<\/p>\n
Indeed, the bill on general elections itself is controversial.<\/p>\n
The bill stipulates that members of the TNI and the National
\nPolice can be elected to a Regional Representative Council (DPD),
\nprovided they obtain permission from their superiors.<\/p>\n
The DPD is a new institution proposed by the bill. Currently,
\nthe Assembly consists of House members, regional representatives
\nand interest groups. Under the amended Constitution, the Assembly
\nwould consist of House members plus 120 elected DPD members
\nrepresenting 30 provinces.<\/p>\n
These proposed changes, should they be accepted, would not
\nonly negate MPR Decree No. VII\/2000, but would virtually reopen
\nthe door for the TNI to reenter politics after 2009.<\/p>\n
Many have criticized Widodo's statement as harming the ongoing
\nprocess of democratization in the country, especially in the
\nmilitary, and going against the TNI's commitment to internal
\nreform.<\/p>\n
Others have accused TNI of being unwilling to quit the
\npolitical arena before 2009.<\/p>\n
Some of these arguments might be correct. Because, whether
\nIndonesians like it or not, TNI (formerly ABRI) has been involved
\nin the country's political affairs since founding president
\nSukarno was still in office.<\/p>\n
TNI's involvement in politics continued and grew stronger
\nalong with the promotion of then Army Maj. Gen. Soeharto to the
\npresidency, replacing Sukarno who was accused of complicity with
\nthe now banned Indonesian Communist Party (PKI).<\/p>\n
Many observers have blamed the TNI's involvement in politics
\nfor the limitations on the people's political rights and the New
\nOrder regime's repressive approach toward its people.<\/p>\n
But a senior military officer once said that it was for the
\nsake of national integrity and to prevent the reemergence of the
\ncommunists that TNI insisted on being involved in the country's
\npolitical affairs.<\/p>\n
But what was the likely reason for Widodo, and the TNI, to ask
\nfor a delay in its voting rights?<\/p>\n
It does not appear to be that difficult to answer this
\nquestion, as Widodo himself hinted at the answer in a statement
\nto journalists at the TNI Headquarters in Cilangkap, East
\nJakarta, on June 17.<\/p>\n
The former TNI chief said he wanted the TNI and the Police to
\nremain in the legislature until 2009, to give the two
\ninstitutions time to \"consolidate\".<\/p>\n
As simple as that? The answer is both yes and no.<\/p>\n
Yes, because the TNI and the Police need time to calculate how
\nmany votes they will and should get when their members are
\ngranted the right to vote.<\/p>\n
No, because logically it will be impossible for the TNI and
\nthe Police to secure the 38 seats in the House they now get for
\n\"free\" if their members vote in the 2004 elections.<\/p>\n
In the current electoral system, a seat in the House is worth
\n400,000 votes. So the TNI and the Police, whose combined forces
\namount to about 420,000, would likely only get one seat in the
\nHouse.<\/p>\n
The TNI\/Police performance in the general elections would be
\ndifferent if the two institutions included their retired officers
\nand their families, besides those still active.<\/p>\n
There is no official statistical data on the actual number of
\npeople in the TNI and Police families, including those still
\nactive, retired and their family members.<\/p>\n
Simple mathematical calculations show that if there are a
\ntotal of 20 million eligible voters from the entire TNI and
\nPolice families, the two institutions would secure 50 seats in
\nthe 500-strong House of Representatives, which is more than
\nenough to play a significant role in the country's law-making
\nbody.<\/p>\n
So, this is what Widodo likely meant by consolidation, as it
\nwould be nearly impossible for the TNI and the Police to
\nconsolidate their active and retired members in the two years
\nbefore the 2004 elections.<\/p>",
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