TNI and war on terrorism

TNI and war on terrorism

The recent terrorist attack on the JW Marriott Hotel in
Jakarta, the success -- at least for the moment -- of the
Indonesian Military's (TNI's) offensive in Aceh, last year's Bali
bombing and the world's deep fear of terrorism, have produced a
very timely momentum and near-perfect justification for the TNI
top brass to reiterate their demand for a return to a central
role of the military in politics.

After announcing in 1999 the adoption of a new approach
whereby the military would supposedly concentrate only on defense
affairs, thus allowing the police to handle internal security and
order, the TNI generals now realize their "mistake" in
relinquishing their influential political functions. They also
argue that the country's problems are too huge to be entrusted
only to the police. Whereas in the past TNI complained about
limited personnel in numerical terms compared with that of the
archipelago, TNI is now complaining it is underutilized, in the
words of Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

Last week's controversy over ideas to revise the new
antiterrorism law has been taken by some as a sign of officers
wanting a return to their central role in the nation's life.

The idea followed a suggestion by Minister of Defense Matori
Abdul Djalil that Indonesia adopt a Malaysia- or Singapore-styled
Internal Security Act (ISA).

Matori's proposal, which drew support from TNI Commander Gen.
Endriartono Sutarto, must have made the leaders of Malaysia and
Singapore smile. Both Malaysia's and Singapore's ISAs, which
enable anyone to be detained for a long period, without evidence,
on the pretext of state security, are internationally criticized.

When the law on terrorism was enacted on April 4, ministers,
including Susilo, proudly referred to it as an effective tool to
combat terrorism while sticking to democratic principles. With no
sense of irony certain officials, including from the TNI, now
complain the law is toothless. And stranger still, Susilo has
also pointed out that the exclusion of TNI from internal security
affairs is against the law, without naming the law in question.

Thankfully, both Matori's proposal and the idea to revise the
antiterrorism law have been resisted immediately by the public
and by legislators. But the danger is still there, because the
proposals reflect TNI's growing impatience toward the civilian
government and its strong desire to have a more effective say in
the country's political life.

We strongly supported TNI's move to quit politics because the
country needed a strong military force to defend its sovereignty.
Soeharto misused the military to maintain his 32-year rule. To
convince the nation of its strong political will, then military
chief Gen. Wiranto changed in 1999 the name of the Indonesian
Armed Forces (ABRI) to TNI, and the police were separated from
TNI.

It was a painful decision, because it meant that many TNI
personnel would lose their civilian jobs in the government and
the legislature. Losing a role in internal politics not only
meant that the military lost one of its main sources of power but
also the loss of great sources of extra income, both for the
institution and its personnel.

In the meantime, jealousy among TNI and its personnel is on
the rise. In the words of an Army lieutenant colonel, "My police
friend who graduated in the same year as I is now much richer
than I. In the police, nearly all personnel, from all levels
within the organization, have the opportunity to earn extra
money, while in TNI, only senior officers have such a chance."

To be honest, the National Police (Polri) have worked hard to
anticipate their new additional functions, and the international
community has poured in substantial financial and technical
assistance to the police as part of efforts to strengthen
Indonesia's civil society. But the result is still very far from
satisfactory, especially with regard to police intelligence
network capability. Most police officers are also still the
product of a military-type education.

We strongly suggest TNI fully assists Polri in boosting their
effectiveness by sharing its know-how, including its intelligence
networks and capacity, because in this field the police are left
far behind the military. It is for the interest of all, including
the military, that we have a strong and effective police,
although in the short term it may affect the military's dominant
role.

It is the duty of all levels of society to support the police
role in internal security and public order because an effective
police is the key to the attainment of a civil society. It is
also our view that TNI should concentrate on its duty to defend
the country from external security threats.

Terrorism has become a dangerous threat to the country's
existence. Concerted efforts to eradicate its roots must be
taken, but the threat of terrorism should not make us permissive
regarding human rights abuses or undemocratic values, just
because we are in a panic.

The eradication of terrorism does not and should not justify
human rights abuses. The eradication of terrorism does not and
should not go against the creation of a more humane, civil
society. The two are not mutually exclusive.