'Time for Moslems to be real majority'

Some observers believe that the widely publicized hand shaking between President Soeharto and noted Moslem leader Abdurrahman Wahid recently has staved off tension between the two leaders and put the Moslems in political spotlight. Political scientist Riswandha Imawan ponders the issue.

Question: How do you see the position of Islam in Indonesia's political arena today?

Answer: There is a dilemma facing Indonesian Moslem politicians. If they stick strictly to Moslem teaching, they will be less amenable to the concept of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity). In Indonesia, for politicians to be acceptable at the national level they have to be accepted not only by their own group but also by others. On the other hand, if Moslem leaders do embrace other religious groups, they run the risk of losing popularity in their own section of society.

Gus Dur (the nickname of Abdurrahman Wahid, a prominent Moslem leader), is an example. He is well known for his ability to communicate with leaders of other religions but at the same time he is losing credibility among Moslem groups. In this regard, he is considered to be sacrificing Islamic values for the sake of tolerating others.

So, it's not a matter of politicians' quality but their acceptability at the national level. Remember, our basic concept of national leaders is that they should stand above all political aspirations.

Understanding this is a key to understanding the position of Islam on the Indonesian political stage. Another key, a minor one, is the understanding of the state as a 'co-opter'. This is a strategy by which the various components of society are co-opted to ensure they all fulfill their functions for the good of the nation.

For example, the public figures in organizations such as the Indonesian Physicians Society or the Indonesian Moslem Students Association become involved in nation-building through this 'co-option' strategy.

Q: What can we learn from the two keys in relation to the issue we are talking about?

A: That there are two groups of Moslem leaders, based on whether they are accepted by the state or not. The first are those people who are in the system, or the inner group, and the second includes those people who are not or are in the outer group. ICMI (the Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals Association) members are examples of those who belong to the inner group, while Gus Dur is an example of someone in the outer one.

The categorizing of the two groups is actually based on how each group looks at any particular problem. The inner, on the one hand, adores science and technology and believes that it is science and technology which will bring miracles to make us an industrialized society. The outer, on the other hand, doesn't think so. They believe that even without technology we will become industrialized.

But the imaginary line between these two groups is now weakening. B.J. Habibie (Chairman of ICMI), for example, has reiterated time and again recently that he reads more about imtak (faith and devotion) than iptek (science and technology).

Therefore, there is no longer such a serious difference between the two groups.

Q: How do you see the roles of the two groups in our political structure?

A: The inner group occupies positions mainly at the elite level. They are, or are close to, the decision makers. Members of the outer group, on the other hand, place themselves at the grassroots. That's why the outer group usually has a greater chance to garner broad-based support from many sections of society.

Gus Dur, for example, through his Democratic Forum, is able to get close to the Indonesian Democratic Party. But in the context of his Moslem organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, he veers toward the United Development Party. And when he talks about going back to what is called Khittah 1926 (detaching the NU from politics), he seems to be siding with Golkar (the dominant political organization).

Gus Dur himself, in the eyes of the government, is indeed a prominent public figure. There was a rumor that he had a bad relationship with the government but what he did recently in regard to the religious riots in Situbondo, when he made a public apology and held open discussions with leaders of other religions, increased his standing. And his widely reported hand- shaking with President Soeharto in East Java forced many people to re-evaluate what they thought about the two men's relationship.

Q: You said that the imaginary line between the inner and the outer Moslem political groups is fading away. What has caused it?

A: There is another factor. You see, the 1997 election is very crucial for Moslem voters as it will have an influence on the nation for the next two decades. Also in this election they will be a key element in the continuation of a system in which the Moslem community is a majority. Moslem voters, therefore, have to be able to play an important role in it. They have to grasp this critical moment.

Thus, it's good that the two groups, both the inner and outer ones, are playing their own roles at their own level. The inner, at the upper level, the outer at a lower one. They have to work side by side. Otherwise, they won't do any good.

Moslem voters have been longing for this moment for ages. They have been feeling like a minority for a long time despite being a majority. So, it's the time for them to show that they are the real majority.

Q: How great do you think is the chance that the Moslem voters will be successful at this critical moment?

A: The probability is very great for the concept of Moslem voters is no longer traditional. You see the Moslem community used to be classified as santri, abangan, and priyayi (the orthodox, less strict and the nobles). But there are now some priyayi santri as well as abangan santri as the result of intense preaching at almost all levels of the Moslem community. This means that the santri class, is now expanding to other sections of the Moslem community, including politicians and government officials. This makes the probability of success even greater. (swa)

Dr. Riswandha Imawan is a lecturer in political science at Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta.