'Time for Moslems to be real majority'

'Time for Moslems to be real majority'

Some observers believe that the widely publicized hand shaking
between President Soeharto and noted Moslem leader Abdurrahman
Wahid recently has staved off tension between the two leaders and
put the Moslems in political spotlight. Political scientist
Riswandha Imawan ponders the issue.

Question: How do you see the position of Islam in Indonesia's
political arena today?

Answer: There is a dilemma facing Indonesian Moslem
politicians. If they stick strictly to Moslem teaching, they will
be less amenable to the concept of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in
Diversity). In Indonesia, for politicians to be acceptable at the
national level they have to be accepted not only by their own
group but also by others. On the other hand, if Moslem leaders do
embrace other religious groups, they run the risk of losing
popularity in their own section of society.

Gus Dur (the nickname of Abdurrahman Wahid, a prominent Moslem
leader), is an example. He is well known for his ability to
communicate with leaders of other religions but at the same time
he is losing credibility among Moslem groups. In this regard, he
is considered to be sacrificing Islamic values for the sake of
tolerating others.

So, it's not a matter of politicians' quality but their
acceptability at the national level. Remember, our basic concept
of national leaders is that they should stand above all political
aspirations.

Understanding this is a key to understanding the position of
Islam on the Indonesian political stage. Another key, a minor
one, is the understanding of the state as a 'co-opter'. This is a
strategy by which the various components of society are co-opted
to ensure they all fulfill their functions for the good of the
nation.

For example, the public figures in organizations such as the
Indonesian Physicians Society or the Indonesian Moslem Students
Association become involved in nation-building through this
'co-option' strategy.

Q: What can we learn from the two keys in relation to the
issue we are talking about?

A: That there are two groups of Moslem leaders, based on
whether they are accepted by the state or not. The first are
those people who are in the system, or the inner group, and the
second includes those people who are not or are in the outer
group. ICMI (the Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals Association)
members are examples of those who belong to the inner group,
while Gus Dur is an example of someone in the outer one.

The categorizing of the two groups is actually based on how
each group looks at any particular problem. The inner, on the one
hand, adores science and technology and believes that it is
science and technology which will bring miracles to make us an
industrialized society. The outer, on the other hand, doesn't
think so. They believe that even without technology we will
become industrialized.

But the imaginary line between these two groups is now
weakening. B.J. Habibie (Chairman of ICMI), for example, has
reiterated time and again recently that he reads more about imtak
(faith and devotion) than iptek (science and technology).

Therefore, there is no longer such a serious difference
between the two groups.

Q: How do you see the roles of the two groups in our political
structure?

A: The inner group occupies positions mainly at the elite
level. They are, or are close to, the decision makers. Members of
the outer group, on the other hand, place themselves at the
grassroots. That's why the outer group usually has a greater
chance to garner broad-based support from many sections of
society.

Gus Dur, for example, through his Democratic Forum, is able to
get close to the Indonesian Democratic Party. But in the context
of his Moslem organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, he veers toward the
United Development Party. And when he talks about going back to
what is called Khittah 1926 (detaching the NU from politics), he
seems to be siding with Golkar (the dominant political
organization).

Gus Dur himself, in the eyes of the government, is indeed a
prominent public figure. There was a rumor that he had a bad
relationship with the government but what he did recently in
regard to the religious riots in Situbondo, when he made a public
apology and held open discussions with leaders of other
religions, increased his standing. And his widely reported hand-
shaking with President Soeharto in East Java forced many people
to re-evaluate what they thought about the two men's
relationship.

Q: You said that the imaginary line between the inner and the
outer Moslem political groups is fading away. What has caused it?

A: There is another factor. You see, the 1997 election is
very crucial for Moslem voters as it will have an influence on
the nation for the next two decades. Also in this election they
will be a key element in the continuation of a system in which
the Moslem community is a majority. Moslem voters, therefore,
have to be able to play an important role in it. They have to
grasp this critical moment.

Thus, it's good that the two groups, both the inner and outer
ones, are playing their own roles at their own level. The inner,
at the upper level, the outer at a lower one. They have to work
side by side. Otherwise, they won't do any good.

Moslem voters have been longing for this moment for ages. They
have been feeling like a minority for a long time despite being a
majority. So, it's the time for them to show that they are the
real majority.

Q: How great do you think is the chance that the Moslem voters
will be successful at this critical moment?

A: The probability is very great for the concept of Moslem
voters is no longer traditional. You see the Moslem community
used to be classified as santri, abangan, and priyayi (the
orthodox, less strict and the nobles). But there are now some
priyayi santri as well as abangan santri as the result of intense
preaching at almost all levels of the Moslem community. This
means that the santri class, is now expanding to other sections
of the Moslem community, including politicians and government
officials. This makes the probability of success even greater.
(swa)

Dr. Riswandha Imawan is a lecturer in political science at
Gadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta.