'Time for Moslems to be real majority'<\/p>\n
Some observers believe that the widely publicized hand shaking
\nbetween President Soeharto and noted Moslem leader Abdurrahman
\nWahid recently has staved off tension between the two leaders and
\nput the Moslems in political spotlight. Political scientist
\nRiswandha Imawan ponders the issue.<\/p>\n
Question: How do you see the position of Islam in Indonesia's
\npolitical arena today?<\/p>\n
Answer: There is a dilemma facing Indonesian Moslem
\npoliticians. If they stick strictly to Moslem teaching, they will
\nbe less amenable to the concept of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in
\nDiversity). In Indonesia, for politicians to be acceptable at the
\nnational level they have to be accepted not only by their own
\ngroup but also by others. On the other hand, if Moslem leaders do
\nembrace other religious groups, they run the risk of losing
\npopularity in their own section of society.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur (the nickname of Abdurrahman Wahid, a prominent Moslem
\nleader), is an example. He is well known for his ability to
\ncommunicate with leaders of other religions but at the same time
\nhe is losing credibility among Moslem groups. In this regard, he
\nis considered to be sacrificing Islamic values for the sake of
\ntolerating others.<\/p>\n
So, it's not a matter of politicians' quality but their
\nacceptability at the national level. Remember, our basic concept
\nof national leaders is that they should stand above all political
\naspirations.<\/p>\n
Understanding this is a key to understanding the position of
\nIslam on the Indonesian political stage. Another key, a minor
\none, is the understanding of the state as a 'co-opter'. This is a
\nstrategy by which the various components of society are co-opted
\nto ensure they all fulfill their functions for the good of the
\nnation.<\/p>\n
For example, the public figures in organizations such as the
\nIndonesian Physicians Society or the Indonesian Moslem Students
\nAssociation become involved in nation-building through this
\n'co-option' strategy.<\/p>\n
Q: What can we learn from the two keys in relation to the
\nissue we are talking about?<\/p>\n
A: That there are two groups of Moslem leaders, based on
\nwhether they are accepted by the state or not. The first are
\nthose people who are in the system, or the inner group, and the
\nsecond includes those people who are not or are in the outer
\ngroup. ICMI (the Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals Association)
\nmembers are examples of those who belong to the inner group,
\nwhile Gus Dur is an example of someone in the outer one.<\/p>\n
The categorizing of the two groups is actually based on how
\neach group looks at any particular problem. The inner, on the one
\nhand, adores science and technology and believes that it is
\nscience and technology which will bring miracles to make us an
\nindustrialized society. The outer, on the other hand, doesn't
\nthink so. They believe that even without technology we will
\nbecome industrialized.<\/p>\n
But the imaginary line between these two groups is now
\nweakening. B.J. Habibie (Chairman of ICMI), for example, has
\nreiterated time and again recently that he reads more about imtak
\n(faith and devotion) than iptek (science and technology).<\/p>\n
Therefore, there is no longer such a serious difference
\nbetween the two groups.<\/p>\n
Q: How do you see the roles of the two groups in our political
\nstructure?<\/p>\n
A: The inner group occupies positions mainly at the elite
\nlevel. They are, or are close to, the decision makers. Members of
\nthe outer group, on the other hand, place themselves at the
\ngrassroots. That's why the outer group usually has a greater
\nchance to garner broad-based support from many sections of
\nsociety.<\/p>\n
Gus Dur, for example, through his Democratic Forum, is able to
\nget close to the Indonesian Democratic Party. But in the context
\nof his Moslem organization, Nahdlatul Ulama, he veers toward the
\nUnited Development Party. And when he talks about going back to
\nwhat is called Khittah 1926 (detaching the NU from politics), he
\nseems to be siding with Golkar (the dominant political
\norganization).<\/p>\n
Gus Dur himself, in the eyes of the government, is indeed a
\nprominent public figure. There was a rumor that he had a bad
\nrelationship with the government but what he did recently in
\nregard to the religious riots in Situbondo, when he made a public
\napology and held open discussions with leaders of other
\nreligions, increased his standing. And his widely reported hand-
\nshaking with President Soeharto in East Java forced many people
\nto re-evaluate what they thought about the two men's
\nrelationship.<\/p>\n
Q: You said that the imaginary line between the inner and the
\nouter Moslem political groups is fading away. What has caused it?<\/p>\n
A: There is another factor. You see, the 1997 election is
\nvery crucial for Moslem voters as it will have an influence on
\nthe nation for the next two decades. Also in this election they
\nwill be a key element in the continuation of a system in which
\nthe Moslem community is a majority. Moslem voters, therefore,
\nhave to be able to play an important role in it. They have to
\ngrasp this critical moment.<\/p>\n
Thus, it's good that the two groups, both the inner and outer
\nones, are playing their own roles at their own level. The inner,
\nat the upper level, the outer at a lower one. They have to work
\nside by side. Otherwise, they won't do any good.<\/p>\n
Moslem voters have been longing for this moment for ages. They
\nhave been feeling like a minority for a long time despite being a
\nmajority. So, it's the time for them to show that they are the
\nreal majority.<\/p>\n
Q: How great do you think is the chance that the Moslem voters
\nwill be successful at this critical moment?<\/p>\n
A: The probability is very great for the concept of Moslem
\nvoters is no longer traditional. You see the Moslem community
\nused to be classified as santri, abangan, and priyayi (the
\northodox, less strict and the nobles). But there are now some
\npriyayi santri as well as abangan santri as the result of intense
\npreaching at almost all levels of the Moslem community. This
\nmeans that the santri class, is now expanding to other sections
\nof the Moslem community, including politicians and government
\nofficials. This makes the probability of success even greater.
\n(swa)<\/p>\n
Dr. Riswandha Imawan is a lecturer in political science at
\nGadjah Mada University, Yogyakarta.<\/p>",
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