The price of becoming a democracy

The price of becoming a democracy

John Aglionby, Guardian News Service, Bali

Viewed through a prism of headlines, Indonesia can easily
appear to be an unstable nation being ripped asunder by radical
Islamists. Four big terrorist attacks by locally recruited
militants in three years -- the 2002 Bali nightclub bombing, the
2003 bomb at the Jakarta Marriott hotel, the 2004 bomb at the
Australian embassy in Jakarta and Saturday's second Bali bombing
-- suggest not only incompetent security forces but something
profoundly wrong with society.

A further problem is the authorities' refusal to rein in
orthodox Islamist groups that have bullied more than two dozen
churches into closure over the past two years and repeatedly
attacked the Indian- based Ahmadiyah sect's premises on the
grounds of alleged deviancy, as well as a decision by the
national ulemas council to ban pluralism and liberal teachings.

The most populous Muslim nation undoubtedly has its problems.
Outposts of radicalism have taken root in much of the sprawling
archipelago over the past seven years and militants continue to
stoke communal conflict in the eastern islands of Sulawesi and
the Moluccas.

Jamaah Islamiyah, the terror network linked to al-Qaeda that
wants to turn most of south-east Asia into a caliphate, has put
down deep roots in the country and some leading members, such as
Azahari Husin -- the Malaysian being blamed for orchestrating the
last three of the four attacks -- have been forming their own
organizations with even more radical agendas. Azahari's is called
Thoifah Muqatilah (combat unit) and it is thought to want to
escalate the struggle. Like the organizers of the London attacks,
he uses fresh recruits unknown to the authorities who are willing
to make martyrs of themselves.

Azahari and his cohorts are tapping into the resources of
other radical groups, such as Kompak, based in Sulawesi; the
Indonesian Mujahideen Movement, whose leader is Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir, the alleged former head of Jamaah Islamiyah; and Darul
Islam, a 55-year-old network that spawned most of the newer
offshoots, including Jamaah Islamiyah.

Afraid of being seen as western pawns by the country's Muslim
majority, the last four presidents have declined to crack down as
hard as they could have on these radical groups, thereby allowing
them to expand. The government and its people are now paying the
price, having to quell extensive periods of unrest and prevent
terrorist attacks with security and intelligence forces which,
until very recently, were far from first-rate.

Having said all this, the radicalism must be placed in
context. Despite its impact, the movement's numbers are tiny and
not growing fast. And despite the perceived global assault on
Islam -- whether in Iraq, Palestine or elsewhere -- the vast
majority of Indonesia's 190 million Muslims remain moderate.
Islam arrived in Indonesia through trade rather than conquest, so
not only does it lack some of the characteristics prevalent
elsewhere but it is also diluted by cultural traditions that
predate its arrival. This is becoming manifest in domestic
politics: Islamist parties are faring well but only because they
espouse clean, well-run government and shy away from demanding an
Islamic state.

And history cannot be ignored. Radical Islam was born during
the colonial era but was violently repressed during the 32-year
dictatorship of General Soeharto, supported by the west. When his
regime collapsed in 1998, it was as if the lid had been blown off
a pressure cooker. Radicalism thrived on the oxygen it had been
starved of.

The other major development in Indonesia since 1998 is that it
has transformed itself into a flourishing democracy. Indonesians
directly elected their president for the first time last year
and a return to authoritarianism seems unlikely. A new respect
for law and order means that Indonesia is not willing to copy
Malaysia and Singapore -- or the United States -- by detaining
alleged militants and terrorists indefinitely without charge.

The Bali bombings are undoubtedly a partial consequence of
this openness and no one doubts there will be more attacks. While
the great majority of the nation condemns them, there seems to be
an acceptance that giving everyone a voice is part of the price
of becoming a democracy. Indonesia has shown the world how a
predominantly Islamic country can embrace democracy. Alas, it is
also showing the world that the transition can be costly.