Susilo, Howard make their pitch in U.S.

S.P. Seth, Sydney

President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's recent U.S. trip, and his attendance at the UN summit, is one of those exercises which heads of states and governments usually do. Therefore, not much is expected by way of concrete results. This indeed seems true of Susilo's visit too. These trips are generally pleasant distractions from the pressures of domestic politics, with foreign hosts making the visitor feel all important and most relevant to them and their state of affairs.

Well, all good things must come to an end. Susilo is now back home to deliver goods, not an easy task in a country where less has to mean more. Still, if he has managed to evoke U.S. interest and attention to the urgency of Indonesia's situation in terms of trade, investments and foreign debt, it would help ease Susilo's tasks at home. Not surprisingly, Susilo has been working to create a better image of Indonesia in the United States.

At the same time, his neighbor, Australia, is seeking to create some political space for its diplomacy between the United States and China. It is well-known that Australia is one of the United States' closest political and military ally.

Canberra played an important role in bringing about an independent East Timor. It is now part of the 'coalition of the willing' in the U.S.-led military operations in Iraq. It has steadfastly supported the United States in its political and military missions across the globe, including vis-a-vis China. For instance, during the Taiwan crisis of 1996 at the time of its presidential elections, Australia was one with the United States to deter China from any use of military force.

Lately, though, there has been some change of emphasis. Without question, Australia's alliance with the United States is still the cornerstone of its foreign and security policy. But its perception of China as an inevitable security threat has undergone important change. For instance, Foreign Minister Alexander Downer reportedly said, while in Beijing a while ago, that Australia's ANZUS security treaty with the United States didn't necessarily mean Australia's involvement in a military conflict over Taiwan.

Prime Minister John Howard, though, has been more diplomatic by brushing away such questions as hypothetical. He even refused to buy into President Bush's invitation, during a July visit to the United States, to " work together to reinforce the need for China to accept certain values as universal-the value of minority rights, the value of freedom of people to speak..."

Howard had earlier spelled out the rationale of his government's new China policy during a speech in Beijing in April. He said at the time, "If you want to build an enduring association with a nation, you should do it within a realistic framework. You should not allow it to be dominated by differences and dominated by history."

In other words, Australia prefers to concentrate on a growing economic relationship between the two countries. China has contracted to buy billions of dollars worth of gas from Australia over two decades or more. Australia is also supplying other raw materials for China's surging economy. Indeed the current slack from a slowing housing sector is being made up by the growing demand from China for Australia's mining and other resource materials. And it is getting much higher prices for its commodities because of the robust global demand.

China is also keen to invest in Australia's resources sector. And they are launched on a free trade agreement. One can, therefore, see how important China is becoming to Australia's economic prosperity. China is also very important in terms of Australia's engagement with Asia. With Beijing's imprimatur, Australia's Asian credentials will become more credible.

But Beijing feels uncomfortable about Canberra's American connection. Its U.S. alliance is seen as directed to contain China, at least until very recently. That would make dependence on Australia for essential resources for China's economic growth a dicey thing.

And Australia has been doing its bit to reassure China in this regard. It is still an enthusiastic U.S. ally, but is seeking to extract political autonomy in its relations with China. Indeed, in some ways, it is even becoming a spokesman of sorts for China and that too in the United States.

Speaking at a recent Asia Society function in New York, Prime Minister John Howard conceded that China's rise would inevitably place stress on the international system. He then forcefully said, "But to see China's rise in zero-sum terms is overly pessimistic, intellectually misguided and potentially dangerous."

He went on to make a strong case on China's behalf. He said, "Its economic liberalization and integration into the world system has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. Its growth in recent years has helped to sustain the expansion of the global economy and of world trade."

John Howard, though, knows that Taiwan is a serious obstacle between China and the United States, and fervently hopes that it would be resolved peacefully. But if this were to develop into a military conflict, Australia might have to excuse itself from entering the fray.

Howard is not apologetic about Australia's newly-found passionate advocacy of China's growing role in Asia-Pacific, regarding it as natural and for good. He believes that, "Australia's strong relationship with China is not just based on economic opportunity." According to him, "We seek to build on shared goals and not become obsessed with those things that make us different."

Did Howard mean that the United States was obsessed about China? He obviously wouldn't. And he heaped praise on the United States' global leadership role, and as a Pacific power. To quote Howard, "America is a great Pacific power and, as has often been the case, it fulfills its regional role most powerfully when it provides global leadership."

He added, "America's alliance relationships, including with Australia, will be the anchors for that U.S. presence."

Only time will tell how Australia will do this Houdini-like act of reconciling its U.S. alliance with China's rising power in Asia-Pacific! But it will certainly please Beijing that Canberra is pitching for it in the United States. Washington won't like it, but Australia remains its strategic ally.

At about the same time as Howard was speaking in New York, Susilo was doing his bit to make friends and influence powerful people in the United States to promote Indonesia. Indonesia certainly is now more visible in the international community but there is a fair way to go.

The author is a freelance writer. He can be reached at SushilPSeth@aol.com.