Questions for Russia and China as Iran is bombarded by Israel and the US
The United States (US) and Israel have attacked Iran, resulting in the death of the country’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Now, attention has turned to Iran’s two allied states, China and Russia.
According to the BBC, Russia and China maintain close diplomatic, trade, and military ties with Iran. The latest US-Israeli strike appears to be a test of how far the two countries are prepared to go in supporting Iran.
Russia’s position
So far, Moscow has issued strong statements against the US-Israel joint strike on Iran. However, concrete support remains limited.
This stance reflects anger at the actions of the US and Israel while showing solidarity with Tehran, while being careful not to be drawn into direct war.
Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov said there is ‘deep dissatisfaction’ that Washington and Tehran had held talks, but the situation has deteriorated into ‘open aggression’.
He said Russia continues to maintain contact with Iranian leaders as well as Gulf states affected by the war. The Russian Foreign Ministry condemned the US and Israel for what it described as ‘provocation-free aggression’ against Iran.
Moscow also accused political assassination and ‘hunting’ of leaders of sovereign states. On Sunday (1/3), Russian President Vladimir Putin also offered condolences to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian for the death of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Putin described the event as ‘a violation of human morality and international law’. However, Putin has avoided direct criticism of US President Donald Trump, and even expressed thanks to Washington for mediation with Ukraine.
When asked how Moscow could trust Washington, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov stressed that Russia ‘basically only trusts itself’ and will always defend its national interests. That interest explains why Russia’s support for Iran has been more rhetorical.
In fact, since Russia invaded Ukraine, Tehran has been one of Moscow’s closest allies, supplying drones and helping Russia evade a string of Western sanctions. The way Iranian leaders govern also aligns with the Kremlin’s vision of a multipolar order, where state interests are considered more important than human rights, and where the government has full control domestically. The collapse of such a regime would be a blow to that model.
Nevertheless, the Kremlin has shown signs it will not risk its interests too far for its allies, whether in Venezuela, Syria, or during the 12-day war between Israel and Iran in mid-2025. Russia remains preoccupied with Ukraine and appears reluctant to provide more than diplomatic support and military-technical cooperation to Iran.
The Russia-Iran strategic partnership treaty signed on 17 January 2025 did not amount to a mutual defence pact. Moscow and Tehran pledged to share information, hold joint exercises, and ‘maintain regional security’. They are not committed to mutual defence if attacked.
Nevertheless, the military and industrial links between the two countries continue to grow. In February, the Financial Times reported a major deal between Russia and Iran in the military sphere.
Russia is said to have agreed to supply portable air defence system Verba worth USD 500 million to Iran. Iran has also received Yak-130 trainer aircraft, Mi-28 attack helicopters, and is still awaiting Su-35 fighter jets. However, Russia has not yet delivered the Verba system.
Iranian-made Shahed drones briefly changed the tactics of Russian forces during the invasion of Ukraine. But last year Moscow rapidly expanded domestic drone production, reducing its reliance on Iranian weapons.
For Moscow, Iran is too important to let collapse. But not important enough to fight for. That calculation could change, but for now Russia’s intervention seems limited to rhetoric.
China’s stance
The Chinese government has also strongly condemned the killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Historically, Beijing has consistently opposed US strategies of regime change around the world.
The core of China-Iran relations has been a mutually beneficial economic partnership. China is Iran’s largest trading partner as well as its most important energy customer.
China has become a major economic pillar for Iran as it has faced years of heavy sanctions from the US. China continues to buy large quantities of Iranian oil at discounted prices through a network of ‘ghost fleets’ of ships registered under false names to evade sanctions.
In 2025, for example, China bought more than 80% of the oil Iran shipped. Revenue from those sales helped Iran stabilise its economy and fund defence spending as Western countries closed their markets.
The relationship between the two countries has been strengthened by the 25-year strategic agreement signed in 2021. The agreement promises hundreds of billions of dollars of Chinese investment in Iran’s infrastructure and telecommunications.
China’s approach to the Iran-Israel and Iran-US tensions is a cautious restraint strategy. During the 12-day war between Israel and Iran in the summer of 2025, Beijing consistently urged ‘restraint’ while blaming ‘external interference’—a clear rebuke of US policy.
China has acted as a diplomatic backer for Tehran by using veto or threats of veto to weaken UN resolutions. But Beijing has never offered direct military intervention.
China’s strategy has consistently aimed to keep the US tied down in the Middle East without triggering total regional collapse that could push up global oil prices. For China, the emergence of a pro-West regime in Tehran would be a defeat.