PKS support for Amien and the Wiranto factor

Indra J. Piliang, Jakarta

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) decided late in the game to throw its support behind presidential candidate Amien Rais and his running mate Siswono Yudohusodo. Though late, the backing had been predicted because the members of the PKS and Amien's National Mandate Party (PAN) basically come from the same circles: the urban Muslim middle class, campuses and politically enlightened communities.

Why was the support late? The tough deliberations in the PKS to back Amien Rais cannot be separated from the Wiranto factor. From the beginning, there were two opposing camps within the PKS, one supporting Wiranto and the other Amien Rais, both with equally strong arguments, though distinguishable as pragmatists and idealists.

The pragmatist camp's support for Wiranto was based on Amien's perceived inability to win the presidential election. Wiranto was seen as having a better chance to qualify for the expected second round of voting on Sept. 20. Meanwhile, the Amien camp thought it was far better to remain close to Amien rather than merely speculating on victory.

The PKS' support for Amien, however, does not mean that the candidate can expect the votes of all of the party's members. As a five-year-old political party, the loyalty of its members is not yet proven, meaning Amien's chances of victory have not automatically been enhanced to a significant degree. But this tactical and strategic alliance, based on profound analysis by the PKS' central board and advisory council, indicates the party is moving in the right direction.

Despite its final decision, the difficult debate within the PKS showed the extent of Wiranto's influence. At least, the Wiranto camp managed to stall the momentum of the PKS' spectacular gains in the April 5 legislative election. In addition, the divided support for Amien and Wiranto suggested a threat of internal division.

Whatever the outcome of the presidential election, the expected political cooperation between the PKS and PAN will become an opposition force in the legislative body. This means that they will return to their roots as political parties born out of the reform era. They should continue the struggle for and the institutionalization of reform to prevent a return of old concepts.

As parties representing the urban Muslim middle class, the PKS and PAN should bring about significant changes. Islamic values are worth implementing in politics, while respecting the plurality and homogeneity of Indonesian society.

In countries with longer histories of democracy, religious parties are not alien either. Though clothed in nationalism, dialogs between religious values and state interests continue. India appeared as one of the most civilized examples when a minority religious figure became president and premier.

For Wiranto, the rejection by the PKS can be interpreted as the final blow of the political resistance directed at him during the campaign. Wiranto's role in allowing the Indonesian Muslim Student Action Front (KAMMI) to play a role in the student actions in 1998 does not necessarily entitle him to a maximum reward.

KAMMI was among the embryos of the PKS, though organizationally it is not related to the party. Anyway, political logic is different from that of "returning a favor" in a personal relationship. The Indonesian political community demands consistent implementation of platforms, working programs and party goals. Figures do not serve as a yardstick because the bigger the number of people joining politics the greater the dynamics.

Building loyalty in Indonesia's new society is not easy. What is now needed are political parties that can gather larger numbers of members to serve in their relevant areas of competence. Power orientation is not the only choice for parties because Indonesia's human resources in politics is still limited, though the political reins remain in the hands of old players.

Under such circumstances, both Amien and Wiranto actually can play the part of "idea boosters" instead of political leaders. The PKS' support of Amien and the Golkar Party's backing of Wiranto show how the general chairmen of parties are gradually assuming decreasing roles.

The PKS and Golkar are capable of separating themselves from the interests of their leaders. Eventually, the names of party chiefs may be unfamiliar to the public due to the shifting function of political parties.

The PKS' support for Amien also indicates the importance of establishing long-term cooperation, frequently called a permanent coalition, among political parties. The main weakness of the multiparty system as applied in Indonesia today is the political opportunism affecting party executives. Parties and constituents are exploited to seize legislative and government positions.

Ideologies and platforms can now be transacted even with other ideological camps. One of those candidates facing difficulty is this respect is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has received the backing of the Islamic-based Crescent Star Party (PBB).

The cooperation and support rendered to Susilo will apparently be short term in nature, as Susilo proved to be perplexed when answering questions about the Islamic law issues consistently pursued by the PBB.

In any case, one should be alert for whatever happens in the present political scene. A move of the pawn or knight on the political chessboard can change the course of the game. A new political life will be experienced not only by the party concerned but also by the nation.

It should be realized that politics often bears more of a resemblance to a game or a lifestyle than an arena to pursue the survival of an ideology or idealism.

The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Jakarta. This opinion is personal.