PKS support for Amien and the Wiranto factor

PKS support for Amien and the Wiranto factor

Indra J. Piliang, Jakarta

The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) decided late in the game to
throw its support behind presidential candidate Amien Rais and
his running mate Siswono Yudohusodo. Though late, the backing had
been predicted because the members of the PKS and Amien's
National Mandate Party (PAN) basically come from the same
circles: the urban Muslim middle class, campuses and politically
enlightened communities.

Why was the support late? The tough deliberations in the PKS
to back Amien Rais cannot be separated from the Wiranto factor.
From the beginning, there were two opposing camps within the PKS,
one supporting Wiranto and the other Amien Rais, both with
equally strong arguments, though distinguishable as pragmatists
and idealists.

The pragmatist camp's support for Wiranto was based on Amien's
perceived inability to win the presidential election. Wiranto was
seen as having a better chance to qualify for the expected second
round of voting on Sept. 20. Meanwhile, the Amien camp thought it
was far better to remain close to Amien rather than merely
speculating on victory.

The PKS' support for Amien, however, does not mean that the
candidate can expect the votes of all of the party's members. As
a five-year-old political party, the loyalty of its members is
not yet proven, meaning Amien's chances of victory have not
automatically been enhanced to a significant degree. But this
tactical and strategic alliance, based on profound analysis by
the PKS' central board and advisory council, indicates the party
is moving in the right direction.

Despite its final decision, the difficult debate within the
PKS showed the extent of Wiranto's influence. At least, the
Wiranto camp managed to stall the momentum of the PKS'
spectacular gains in the April 5 legislative election. In
addition, the divided support for Amien and Wiranto suggested a
threat of internal division.

Whatever the outcome of the presidential election, the
expected political cooperation between the PKS and PAN will
become an opposition force in the legislative body. This means
that they will return to their roots as political parties born
out of the reform era. They should continue the struggle for and
the institutionalization of reform to prevent a return of old
concepts.

As parties representing the urban Muslim middle class, the PKS
and PAN should bring about significant changes. Islamic values
are worth implementing in politics, while respecting the
plurality and homogeneity of Indonesian society.

In countries with longer histories of democracy, religious
parties are not alien either. Though clothed in nationalism,
dialogs between religious values and state interests continue.
India appeared as one of the most civilized examples when a
minority religious figure became president and premier.

For Wiranto, the rejection by the PKS can be interpreted as
the final blow of the political resistance directed at him during
the campaign. Wiranto's role in allowing the Indonesian Muslim
Student Action Front (KAMMI) to play a role in the student
actions in 1998 does not necessarily entitle him to a maximum
reward.

KAMMI was among the embryos of the PKS, though
organizationally it is not related to the party. Anyway,
political logic is different from that of "returning a favor" in
a personal relationship. The Indonesian political community
demands consistent implementation of platforms, working programs
and party goals. Figures do not serve as a yardstick because the
bigger the number of people joining politics the greater the
dynamics.

Building loyalty in Indonesia's new society is not easy. What
is now needed are political parties that can gather larger
numbers of members to serve in their relevant areas of
competence. Power orientation is not the only choice for parties
because Indonesia's human resources in politics is still limited,
though the political reins remain in the hands of old players.

Under such circumstances, both Amien and Wiranto actually can
play the part of "idea boosters" instead of political leaders.
The PKS' support of Amien and the Golkar Party's backing of
Wiranto show how the general chairmen of parties are gradually
assuming decreasing roles.

The PKS and Golkar are capable of separating themselves from
the interests of their leaders. Eventually, the names of party
chiefs may be unfamiliar to the public due to the shifting
function of political parties.

The PKS' support for Amien also indicates the importance of
establishing long-term cooperation, frequently called a permanent
coalition, among political parties. The main weakness of the
multiparty system as applied in Indonesia today is the political
opportunism affecting party executives. Parties and constituents
are exploited to seize legislative and government positions.

Ideologies and platforms can now be transacted even with other
ideological camps. One of those candidates facing difficulty is
this respect is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has received the
backing of the Islamic-based Crescent Star Party (PBB).

The cooperation and support rendered to Susilo will
apparently be short term in nature, as Susilo proved to be
perplexed when answering questions about the Islamic law issues
consistently pursued by the PBB.

In any case, one should be alert for whatever happens in the
present political scene. A move of the pawn or knight on the
political chessboard can change the course of the game. A new
political life will be experienced not only by the party
concerned but also by the nation.

It should be realized that politics often bears more of a
resemblance to a game or a lifestyle than an arena to pursue the
survival of an ideology or idealism.

The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and
International Studies, Jakarta. This opinion is personal.