PKS support for Amien and the Wiranto factor<\/p>\n
Indra J. Piliang, Jakarta<\/p>\n
The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) decided late in the game to
\nthrow its support behind presidential candidate Amien Rais and
\nhis running mate Siswono Yudohusodo. Though late, the backing had
\nbeen predicted because the members of the PKS and Amien's
\nNational Mandate Party (PAN) basically come from the same
\ncircles: the urban Muslim middle class, campuses and politically
\nenlightened communities.<\/p>\n
Why was the support late? The tough deliberations in the PKS
\nto back Amien Rais cannot be separated from the Wiranto factor.
\nFrom the beginning, there were two opposing camps within the PKS,
\none supporting Wiranto and the other Amien Rais, both with
\nequally strong arguments, though distinguishable as pragmatists
\nand idealists.<\/p>\n
The pragmatist camp's support for Wiranto was based on Amien's
\nperceived inability to win the presidential election. Wiranto was
\nseen as having a better chance to qualify for the expected second
\nround of voting on Sept. 20. Meanwhile, the Amien camp thought it
\nwas far better to remain close to Amien rather than merely
\nspeculating on victory.<\/p>\n
The PKS' support for Amien, however, does not mean that the
\ncandidate can expect the votes of all of the party's members. As
\na five-year-old political party, the loyalty of its members is
\nnot yet proven, meaning Amien's chances of victory have not
\nautomatically been enhanced to a significant degree. But this
\ntactical and strategic alliance, based on profound analysis by
\nthe PKS' central board and advisory council, indicates the party
\nis moving in the right direction.<\/p>\n
Despite its final decision, the difficult debate within the
\nPKS showed the extent of Wiranto's influence. At least, the
\nWiranto camp managed to stall the momentum of the PKS'
\nspectacular gains in the April 5 legislative election. In
\naddition, the divided support for Amien and Wiranto suggested a
\nthreat of internal division.<\/p>\n
Whatever the outcome of the presidential election, the
\nexpected political cooperation between the PKS and PAN will
\nbecome an opposition force in the legislative body. This means
\nthat they will return to their roots as political parties born
\nout of the reform era. They should continue the struggle for and
\nthe institutionalization of reform to prevent a return of old
\nconcepts.<\/p>\n
As parties representing the urban Muslim middle class, the PKS
\nand PAN should bring about significant changes. Islamic values
\nare worth implementing in politics, while respecting the
\nplurality and homogeneity of Indonesian society.<\/p>\n
In countries with longer histories of democracy, religious
\nparties are not alien either. Though clothed in nationalism,
\ndialogs between religious values and state interests continue.
\nIndia appeared as one of the most civilized examples when a
\nminority religious figure became president and premier.<\/p>\n
For Wiranto, the rejection by the PKS can be interpreted as
\nthe final blow of the political resistance directed at him during
\nthe campaign. Wiranto's role in allowing the Indonesian Muslim
\nStudent Action Front (KAMMI) to play a role in the student
\nactions in 1998 does not necessarily entitle him to a maximum
\nreward.<\/p>\n
KAMMI was among the embryos of the PKS, though
\norganizationally it is not related to the party. Anyway,
\npolitical logic is different from that of "returning a favor" in
\na personal relationship. The Indonesian political community
\ndemands consistent implementation of platforms, working programs
\nand party goals. Figures do not serve as a yardstick because the
\nbigger the number of people joining politics the greater the
\ndynamics.<\/p>\n
Building loyalty in Indonesia's new society is not easy. What
\nis now needed are political parties that can gather larger
\nnumbers of members to serve in their relevant areas of
\ncompetence. Power orientation is not the only choice for parties
\nbecause Indonesia's human resources in politics is still limited,
\nthough the political reins remain in the hands of old players.<\/p>\n
Under such circumstances, both Amien and Wiranto actually can
\nplay the part of "idea boosters" instead of political leaders.
\nThe PKS' support of Amien and the Golkar Party's backing of
\nWiranto show how the general chairmen of parties are gradually
\nassuming decreasing roles.<\/p>\n
The PKS and Golkar are capable of separating themselves from
\nthe interests of their leaders. Eventually, the names of party
\nchiefs may be unfamiliar to the public due to the shifting
\nfunction of political parties.<\/p>\n
The PKS' support for Amien also indicates the importance of
\nestablishing long-term cooperation, frequently called a permanent
\ncoalition, among political parties. The main weakness of the
\nmultiparty system as applied in Indonesia today is the political
\nopportunism affecting party executives. Parties and constituents
\nare exploited to seize legislative and government positions.<\/p>\n
Ideologies and platforms can now be transacted even with other
\nideological camps. One of those candidates facing difficulty is
\nthis respect is Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who has received the
\nbacking of the Islamic-based Crescent Star Party (PBB).<\/p>\n
The cooperation and support rendered to Susilo will
\napparently be short term in nature, as Susilo proved to be
\nperplexed when answering questions about the Islamic law issues
\nconsistently pursued by the PBB.<\/p>\n
In any case, one should be alert for whatever happens in the
\npresent political scene. A move of the pawn or knight on the
\npolitical chessboard can change the course of the game. A new
\npolitical life will be experienced not only by the party
\nconcerned but also by the nation.<\/p>\n
It should be realized that politics often bears more of a
\nresemblance to a game or a lifestyle than an arena to pursue the
\nsurvival of an ideology or idealism.<\/p>\n
The writer is a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and
\nInternational Studies, Jakarta. This opinion is personal.<\/p>",
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