People more than ready for democracy: Smita

People more than ready for democracy: Smita

By Mehru Jaffer

JAKARTA (JP): As if afraid that her father's prophecy may come
true, Smita Notosusanto, 39, works round the clock to educate and
empower the electorate. The hope is that people will eventually
be able to take care of themselves instead of looking up to
politicians or to the armed forces for protection.

When the late Brig. Gen. Nugroho Notosusanto, education
minister to former president Soeharto and father of Smita wrote
The National Struggle and The Armed Forces in Indonesia in 1980,
he predicted the only factor which might create problems for the
armed forces would be a setback in the economic sphere which
would cause unrest and endanger the stability of the country.
Then the armed forces could be compelled to use force which in
turn would create civil-military friction.

To avoid that threat becoming a reality, Smita insists that
people take the future into their own hands. As executive
director for Cetro -- a center for electoral reform -- the
political scientist has found by working with people at the
grassroots level that they are more than ready for democracy and
extremely receptive to modern ideas and way of life.

"I do not buy the argument that the country is not ready for
democracy, that people here are still too uneducated, too poor,"
she says adding that the more pertinent question, as far as she
is concerned, is whether the political elite is ready for
democracy? She explains the violence in different parts of the
country as a last resort of people who have no other outlet for
airing their grievances.

"I would like to see more people talk about what is bothering
them without having to turn into amateur bomb makers," says Smita
who describes the work at Cetro as an attempt to prevent
youngsters especially, from making molotov cocktails every time
they want to be heard.

Smita feels that too many decades have already been lost in
too much talk that has benefited the nation little. Now is the
time for action.

Yet she agreed to talk for a while to The Jakarta Post at the
Cetro headquarters on Jl. Borobudur, where all the rooms on the
two floors are divided into countless little cabins allowing the
staff to tirelessly research, collect and publish all possible
information regarding the electoral process in Indonesia. This is
one of the few offices where the staff are not distracted by the
arrival of a stranger on its premises. No one seems to have the
time to look up from their computers or files even for a moment.

A lecturer at the department of international relations,
University of Indonesia, Smita has two post graduate degrees from
American universities. She is still registered as a research
student in Massachusetts working on comparative policy responses
to the economic crisis in Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia.

Although she has always been passionate about political
science, she was able to put into practice what she had thus far
been enjoying in text books only after the May 1998 violence in
the city. At that time, she worked with rape victims. In November
the same year when the streets of Jakarta turned violent once
more she found herself wondering why the country should have to
go through this over and over again every time a change was
desired.

At first she joined the university network for free and fair
elections to monitor the last general elections and for a year
she has been with Cetro mainly working to evaluate the 1999
elections, to recommend reform, a presidential form of elections
and most important of all to educate the voter to realize the
extreme importance of his or her single vote.

Excerpts from the interview with one of the country's
determined social and political activists:

Question: What is wrong with the electoral system here?

Answer: Everything. We oppose any involvement of the MPR (the
People's Consultative Assembly) in the election of the President.
The idea of having a direct presidential election is to separate
the executive and the legislature so that elected leaders become
directly accountable to those who elect them. Accountability is
top priority with us. Direct elections at the district level is
what we want. We would like to see a legislature where the voices
of people outside Java are adequately represented.

At the moment both the legislature and the election system
fail to represent the interests of the people. We would like to
see a new constitution put into practice instead of ad hoc
amendments made to it every now and then.

In the new laws we propose that political leaders be more
accountable to the rank and file within their own political party
as well. We also propose imposing a limit not only on funds
raised during an election campaigns but also put a limit on the
amount spent on elections.

What do you say to the way people of other islands feel about
the dominance of the Javanese?

I agree with them. And if some people want to govern their
home themselves they should be allowed to do so.

What went on in your heart and mind as East Timor voted to
separate from Indonesia?

I felt very happy for the East Timorese.

Is your form of presidential election the same as what Amien
Rais wants?

I don't know what Amien Rais wants. He changes his mind so
often that I don't know what he wants. He supported our proposal
at first. But then he made some calculations and realized that
his party does not have the support of people across the country
so he said that we should think of a system that still allows the
MPR to elect the president.

I do not trust Amien Rais. He seems to support only a system
that will favor his election to the presidency.

Could you explain to the reader what the problem with the
present legislature is?

The president is elected by the legislature even though we
follow the presidential form of government! In practice we are
like a parliamentary system but constitutionally a presidential
system. We have to decide what system we will adopt and get rid
of this ambivalence. Soon after the resignation of Soeharto it
was decided that we will keep the presidential system.

We propose the presidential form by watching closely the
experience in Nigeria, a country that is socially rather similar
to Indonesia with populations divided ethnically as well as
religiously. It is a two-tier system ensuring nation wide support
instead of a simple majority like in the Philippines.

To have a brand new constitution we have to start the process
of a nationwide debate like in Thailand where only after three
years of debate did the country get a new constitution.

What is the difference in the way Thailand, Malaysia and
Indonesia have responded to the economic crisis?

Our problem is made more difficult because we are going
through both political and economic changes simultaneously. We
are also a much bigger country. We have to start building
democratic institutions from scratch.

After 32 years of living in a political desert we are as
mature as little school children as far as politics is concerned.

The other parallel I can think of is Eastern Europe which
started reforms in 1989, while it took an entire decade for those
countries to settle down. Russia is still struggling. I give
Indonesia not less than 10 to 15 years to get back on track. But
if the political elite continues to hold the people hostage like
it is doing now then suffering will only be prolonged.

How optimistic are you about life settling down in the
country?

Not too optimistic if politicians continue to resist the
people's demand for accountability. As long as elected
representatives of the people continue to be deaf to the cries,
and unfulfilled dreams of the people, fire bombs, killing and
looting will continue.

How do you look upon the present government?

It is involved in jockeying for seats, power and money. There
seems little effort to establish good governance or good rules of
the game that will translate into good economic policies. The
economic crisis should be the priority of the government.

What motivated you to get so deeply involved in political
activism?

As students we realized that so many books were banned on
campus and that we were deprived by Soeharto's new order regime
of much food for thought. As a student of international relations
I got to know what was happening in other countries. I followed
the democratization process in Latin America and later in Eastern
Europe and I thought if ordinary people could bring about a
change in their lives in those countries why not in Indonesia
too?

What role did your family play in instilling political
consciousness within you?

My father always encouraged my interest in political science.
I get my strong character from my mother who is a very no-
nonsense type of person. I learnt a lot when I went to study in
America. I had moral support from my family to study abroad but I
educated myself through scholarships.

How did you deal with your father's association with
Soeharto's 32 year dominance over Indonesia?

I remember my father as a historian who taught me to always
think independently ...

What about your Javanese husband? How does he cope with a wife
who talks so loudly and so confidently about what she wants out
of life?

My husband is more of an exception rather than the rule in
Javanese society. He is an environmentalist and a fellow
activist. He understands exactly what I am talking about.