People more than ready for democracy: Smita<\/p>\n
By Mehru Jaffer<\/p>\n
JAKARTA (JP): As if afraid that her father's prophecy may come
\ntrue, Smita Notosusanto, 39, works round the clock to educate and
\nempower the electorate. The hope is that people will eventually
\nbe able to take care of themselves instead of looking up to
\npoliticians or to the armed forces for protection.<\/p>\n
When the late Brig. Gen. Nugroho Notosusanto, education
\nminister to former president Soeharto and father of Smita wrote
\nThe National Struggle and The Armed Forces in Indonesia in 1980,
\nhe predicted the only factor which might create problems for the
\narmed forces would be a setback in the economic sphere which
\nwould cause unrest and endanger the stability of the country.
\nThen the armed forces could be compelled to use force which in
\nturn would create civil-military friction.<\/p>\n
To avoid that threat becoming a reality, Smita insists that
\npeople take the future into their own hands. As executive
\ndirector for Cetro -- a center for electoral reform -- the
\npolitical scientist has found by working with people at the
\ngrassroots level that they are more than ready for democracy and
\nextremely receptive to modern ideas and way of life.<\/p>\n
\"I do not buy the argument that the country is not ready for
\ndemocracy, that people here are still too uneducated, too poor,\"
\nshe says adding that the more pertinent question, as far as she
\nis concerned, is whether the political elite is ready for
\ndemocracy? She explains the violence in different parts of the
\ncountry as a last resort of people who have no other outlet for
\nairing their grievances.<\/p>\n
\"I would like to see more people talk about what is bothering
\nthem without having to turn into amateur bomb makers,\" says Smita
\nwho describes the work at Cetro as an attempt to prevent
\nyoungsters especially, from making molotov cocktails every time
\nthey want to be heard.<\/p>\n
Smita feels that too many decades have already been lost in
\ntoo much talk that has benefited the nation little. Now is the
\ntime for action.<\/p>\n
Yet she agreed to talk for a while to The Jakarta Post at the
\nCetro headquarters on Jl. Borobudur, where all the rooms on the
\ntwo floors are divided into countless little cabins allowing the
\nstaff to tirelessly research, collect and publish all possible
\ninformation regarding the electoral process in Indonesia. This is
\none of the few offices where the staff are not distracted by the
\narrival of a stranger on its premises. No one seems to have the
\ntime to look up from their computers or files even for a moment.<\/p>\n
A lecturer at the department of international relations,
\nUniversity of Indonesia, Smita has two post graduate degrees from
\nAmerican universities. She is still registered as a research
\nstudent in Massachusetts working on comparative policy responses
\nto the economic crisis in Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia.<\/p>\n
Although she has always been passionate about political
\nscience, she was able to put into practice what she had thus far
\nbeen enjoying in text books only after the May 1998 violence in
\nthe city. At that time, she worked with rape victims. In November
\nthe same year when the streets of Jakarta turned violent once
\nmore she found herself wondering why the country should have to
\ngo through this over and over again every time a change was
\ndesired.<\/p>\n
At first she joined the university network for free and fair
\nelections to monitor the last general elections and for a year
\nshe has been with Cetro mainly working to evaluate the 1999
\nelections, to recommend reform, a presidential form of elections
\nand most important of all to educate the voter to realize the
\nextreme importance of his or her single vote.<\/p>\n
Excerpts from the interview with one of the country's
\ndetermined social and political activists:<\/p>\n
Question: What is wrong with the electoral system here?<\/p>\n
Answer: Everything. We oppose any involvement of the MPR (the
\nPeople's Consultative Assembly) in the election of the President.
\nThe idea of having a direct presidential election is to separate
\nthe executive and the legislature so that elected leaders become
\ndirectly accountable to those who elect them. Accountability is
\ntop priority with us. Direct elections at the district level is
\nwhat we want. We would like to see a legislature where the voices
\nof people outside Java are adequately represented.<\/p>\n
At the moment both the legislature and the election system
\nfail to represent the interests of the people. We would like to
\nsee a new constitution put into practice instead of ad hoc
\namendments made to it every now and then.<\/p>\n
In the new laws we propose that political leaders be more
\naccountable to the rank and file within their own political party
\nas well. We also propose imposing a limit not only on funds
\nraised during an election campaigns but also put a limit on the
\namount spent on elections.<\/p>\n
What do you say to the way people of other islands feel about
\nthe dominance of the Javanese?<\/p>\n
I agree with them. And if some people want to govern their
\nhome themselves they should be allowed to do so.<\/p>\n
What went on in your heart and mind as East Timor voted to
\nseparate from Indonesia?<\/p>\n
I felt very happy for the East Timorese.<\/p>\n
Is your form of presidential election the same as what Amien
\nRais wants?<\/p>\n
I don't know what Amien Rais wants. He changes his mind so
\noften that I don't know what he wants. He supported our proposal
\nat first. But then he made some calculations and realized that
\nhis party does not have the support of people across the country
\nso he said that we should think of a system that still allows the
\nMPR to elect the president.<\/p>\n
I do not trust Amien Rais. He seems to support only a system
\nthat will favor his election to the presidency.<\/p>\n
Could you explain to the reader what the problem with the
\npresent legislature is?<\/p>\n
The president is elected by the legislature even though we
\nfollow the presidential form of government! In practice we are
\nlike a parliamentary system but constitutionally a presidential
\nsystem. We have to decide what system we will adopt and get rid
\nof this ambivalence. Soon after the resignation of Soeharto it
\nwas decided that we will keep the presidential system.<\/p>\n
We propose the presidential form by watching closely the
\nexperience in Nigeria, a country that is socially rather similar
\nto Indonesia with populations divided ethnically as well as
\nreligiously. It is a two-tier system ensuring nation wide support
\ninstead of a simple majority like in the Philippines.<\/p>\n
To have a brand new constitution we have to start the process
\nof a nationwide debate like in Thailand where only after three
\nyears of debate did the country get a new constitution.<\/p>\n
What is the difference in the way Thailand, Malaysia and
\nIndonesia have responded to the economic crisis?<\/p>\n
Our problem is made more difficult because we are going
\nthrough both political and economic changes simultaneously. We
\nare also a much bigger country. We have to start building
\ndemocratic institutions from scratch.<\/p>\n
After 32 years of living in a political desert we are as
\nmature as little school children as far as politics is concerned.<\/p>\n
The other parallel I can think of is Eastern Europe which
\nstarted reforms in 1989, while it took an entire decade for those
\ncountries to settle down. Russia is still struggling. I give
\nIndonesia not less than 10 to 15 years to get back on track. But
\nif the political elite continues to hold the people hostage like
\nit is doing now then suffering will only be prolonged.<\/p>\n
How optimistic are you about life settling down in the
\ncountry?<\/p>\n
Not too optimistic if politicians continue to resist the
\npeople's demand for accountability. As long as elected
\nrepresentatives of the people continue to be deaf to the cries,
\nand unfulfilled dreams of the people, fire bombs, killing and
\nlooting will continue.<\/p>\n
How do you look upon the present government?<\/p>\n
It is involved in jockeying for seats, power and money. There
\nseems little effort to establish good governance or good rules of
\nthe game that will translate into good economic policies. The
\neconomic crisis should be the priority of the government.<\/p>\n
What motivated you to get so deeply involved in political
\nactivism?<\/p>\n
As students we realized that so many books were banned on
\ncampus and that we were deprived by Soeharto's new order regime
\nof much food for thought. As a student of international relations
\nI got to know what was happening in other countries. I followed
\nthe democratization process in Latin America and later in Eastern
\nEurope and I thought if ordinary people could bring about a
\nchange in their lives in those countries why not in Indonesia
\ntoo?<\/p>\n
What role did your family play in instilling political
\nconsciousness within you?<\/p>\n
My father always encouraged my interest in political science.
\nI get my strong character from my mother who is a very no-
\nnonsense type of person. I learnt a lot when I went to study in
\nAmerica. I had moral support from my family to study abroad but I
\neducated myself through scholarships.<\/p>\n
How did you deal with your father's association with
\nSoeharto's 32 year dominance over Indonesia?<\/p>\n
I remember my father as a historian who taught me to always
\nthink independently ...<\/p>\n
What about your Javanese husband? How does he cope with a wife
\nwho talks so loudly and so confidently about what she wants out
\nof life?<\/p>\n
My husband is more of an exception rather than the rule in
\nJavanese society. He is an environmentalist and a fellow
\nactivist. He understands exactly what I am talking about.<\/p>",
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