Papuans feel they are second-class citizens

Papuans feel they are second-class citizens

Kornelius Purba
Staff Writer
The Jakarta Post

Last Saturday, President Megawati Soekarnoputri was forced to
drop her promise to deliver what she seemed to think was the best
possible Christmas present she could offer the predominantly
Christian province of Irian Jaya, after being informed that her
planned visit to the rebellious province would not be welcomed by
the local people.

Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Gen.
(ret.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the President could not go
to Jayapura to celebrate Christmas and hand over the newly-
endorsed Law on Special Autonomy for Papua on Dec. 22, due to
"heightened political tension" in the province.

According to Susilo, the decision was taken "following
mounting rejection ... of the special autonomy status and demands
for a serious probe of Theys' death."

He was referring, of course, to widespread anger over last
month's killing of Papua Presidium Council (PDP) chairman Theys
Hiyo Eluay. Theys was found dead in his car outside provincial
capital Jayapura on Nov. 11, 2001 following a party hosted by
Army's Special Force (Kopassus) in Jayapura the day before.

People have demanded an internationally led inquiry into his
mysterious death because they do not believe the government can
enforce the law -- even if those responsible for his death can be
found.

Whatever the cause of Theys' fate, the government has
unnecessarily created a "martyr" and a strong symbol for the
passionate aspirations for independence among Papuans.

This is not the first time the Papuan people have rejected
Megawati.

About 10,000 supporters of Free Papua Movement (OPM) rallied
at Wamena Airport in Jayawijaya regency to express their hope for
independence when, as vice president, Megawati arrived at the
airport during her visit to the province in May of last year.

Papua has come to hold a special meaning for Megawati while,
for many Papuans, her name reminds them of their bitter
experience with her father, the founding father and first
president Sukarno.

Megawati's first husband, Air Force First Lt. Surindo
Supjarso, was killed when his plane crashed in Biak in 1970. And
it was Sukarno who led Indonesia's struggle for the United
Nations-sponsored integration of the territory into Indonesia in
1963.

The autonomy law itself was initiated by Megawati's
predecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid and was later continued by
Megawati following Abdurrahman's fall in July this year.

Learning from the tragic separation of East Timor from
Indonesia in 1999, Abdurrahman and Megawati agreed to give more
freedom for the Papuans to manage their own affairs, although
Megawati is much more conservative in maintaining Papua as part
of Indonesia.

But why are the Papuans are reluctant to receive her gift, the
special autonomy law?

The law, at least from the central government's point of view,
is very generous, because it ensures their rights for self-
governance, although they are still part of Indonesia. Only in
the fields of foreign affairs, external defense, monetary and
appeal court, the central government is still in full command.

Under the new scheme, only indigenous Papuans can be elected
as governor and vice governor, members of the Papua People's
Assembly (MRP), and Papuan Provincial Legislative Council (DPRD).

In the area of internal security, both the local military and
police fall under direct control of the governor.

The province is entitled to receive 70 percent of the accrued
oil royalties, compared to 15 percent before adoption of the law,
and also 70 percent of gas royalties, or a 40 percent hike. This
means that next year's budget will increase 100 percent from the
current Rp 3.5 trillion (about US$350 million).

Apart from national tributes, the province will also be
allowed to have its own flag, symbol and anthem. The law is
expected to help restore their dignity and end alleged
discrimination -- not just by the government, but also by many
Indonesians, against the "black, poor, and primitive" Papuans.

But why do the cool reaction to the extravagant law?

Do they think that they can follow the success of East
Timorese people who were able to break from Indonesia in 1999?
The annexation of East Timor was never recognized by the UN,
while in Irian case, the world body sponsored the self-
determination process.

The 425,000-square-kilometer region covers 21.99 percent of
Indonesia's territory. However, its populace comprises less than
one percent of the country's 210 million population.

The people are very diverse, some of them have just emerged
from their stone-age civilization. No less than 250 languages are
spoken there.

People living in Humbaldt Bay, for example, speak Tobadi,
inhabitants around Yapen island use Amabai and Turu, while Mimika
language is used around Mimika. Dani tribes in Baliem Valley use
a different language from people in Arfak and residents of Yamur
Lake speak Ekari and Kapauku.

Unlike other provinces in Indonesia, Muslims are the minority
in Papua. About 58 percent of the people are Protestants, 24.09
percent Muslims and 17 percent Catholics.

The role of church is very strong there, while government
officials and military officers are dominated by non-Papuans and
Muslims. Lots of non-Papuan officials see their employment in the
province more as punishment than anything else, and they prepare
for their own future by abusing their power to enrich themselves.

Papuans often complain about human rights abuses by the
military and police. Meanwhile, military leaders defended their
actions as a part of national efforts to maintain political
stability and to crack down any separatist movements.

Economic activities are controlled by outsiders, especially
Buginese, Javanese and Chinese traders.

The Papuans feel they are treated as second-class citizens in
their own land, forced to follow the culture, custom, philosophy,
way of life and, in certain sense, the religion, of Javanese
people (via the central government).

They also feel they are completely different from other
Indonesians from their skin and ethnic origin.

For Papuans, the autonomy bill is only a trick to win their
hearts while shifting their attention from their suffering before
the resumption of colonialist practices against them.

They have lost their trust in the government. They just want
to be allowed to live in peace.

Even the East Timorese, whose natural resources are much
fewer, can build their own state. Why can't the Papuans do the
same with their abundant natural resources?

The central government should try not just to understand, but
think, act and behave as Papuans. They should end the old
paternalistic belief that non-Papuans have an obligation to
educate the Papuans to be civilized.

Sincerity is the key to dealing with the Papuans -- not candy
and, certainly, not empty promises.