Papuans feel they are second-class citizens<\/p>\n
Kornelius Purba
\nStaff Writer
\nThe Jakarta Post<\/p>\n
Last Saturday, President Megawati Soekarnoputri was forced to
\ndrop her promise to deliver what she seemed to think was the best
\npossible Christmas present she could offer the predominantly
\nChristian province of Irian Jaya, after being informed that her
\nplanned visit to the rebellious province would not be welcomed by
\nthe local people.<\/p>\n
Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Gen.
\n(ret.) Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono said the President could not go
\nto Jayapura to celebrate Christmas and hand over the newly-
\nendorsed Law on Special Autonomy for Papua on Dec. 22, due to
\n"heightened political tension" in the province.<\/p>\n
According to Susilo, the decision was taken "following
\nmounting rejection ... of the special autonomy status and demands
\nfor a serious probe of Theys' death."<\/p>\n
He was referring, of course, to widespread anger over last
\nmonth's killing of Papua Presidium Council (PDP) chairman Theys
\nHiyo Eluay. Theys was found dead in his car outside provincial
\ncapital Jayapura on Nov. 11, 2001 following a party hosted by
\nArmy's Special Force (Kopassus) in Jayapura the day before.<\/p>\n
People have demanded an internationally led inquiry into his
\nmysterious death because they do not believe the government can
\nenforce the law -- even if those responsible for his death can be
\nfound.<\/p>\n
Whatever the cause of Theys' fate, the government has
\nunnecessarily created a "martyr" and a strong symbol for the
\npassionate aspirations for independence among Papuans.<\/p>\n
This is not the first time the Papuan people have rejected
\nMegawati.<\/p>\n
About 10,000 supporters of Free Papua Movement (OPM) rallied
\nat Wamena Airport in Jayawijaya regency to express their hope for
\nindependence when, as vice president, Megawati arrived at the
\nairport during her visit to the province in May of last year.<\/p>\n
Papua has come to hold a special meaning for Megawati while,
\nfor many Papuans, her name reminds them of their bitter
\nexperience with her father, the founding father and first
\npresident Sukarno.<\/p>\n
Megawati's first husband, Air Force First Lt. Surindo
\nSupjarso, was killed when his plane crashed in Biak in 1970. And
\nit was Sukarno who led Indonesia's struggle for the United
\nNations-sponsored integration of the territory into Indonesia in
\n1963.<\/p>\n
The autonomy law itself was initiated by Megawati's
\npredecessor, Abdurrahman Wahid and was later continued by
\nMegawati following Abdurrahman's fall in July this year.<\/p>\n
Learning from the tragic separation of East Timor from
\nIndonesia in 1999, Abdurrahman and Megawati agreed to give more
\nfreedom for the Papuans to manage their own affairs, although
\nMegawati is much more conservative in maintaining Papua as part
\nof Indonesia.<\/p>\n
But why are the Papuans are reluctant to receive her gift, the
\nspecial autonomy law?<\/p>\n
The law, at least from the central government's point of view,
\nis very generous, because it ensures their rights for self-
\ngovernance, although they are still part of Indonesia. Only in
\nthe fields of foreign affairs, external defense, monetary and
\nappeal court, the central government is still in full command.<\/p>\n
Under the new scheme, only indigenous Papuans can be elected
\nas governor and vice governor, members of the Papua People's
\nAssembly (MRP), and Papuan Provincial Legislative Council (DPRD).<\/p>\n
In the area of internal security, both the local military and
\npolice fall under direct control of the governor.<\/p>\n
The province is entitled to receive 70 percent of the accrued
\noil royalties, compared to 15 percent before adoption of the law,
\nand also 70 percent of gas royalties, or a 40 percent hike. This
\nmeans that next year's budget will increase 100 percent from the
\ncurrent Rp 3.5 trillion (about US$350 million).<\/p>\n
Apart from national tributes, the province will also be
\nallowed to have its own flag, symbol and anthem. The law is
\nexpected to help restore their dignity and end alleged
\ndiscrimination -- not just by the government, but also by many
\nIndonesians, against the "black, poor, and primitive" Papuans.<\/p>\n
But why do the cool reaction to the extravagant law?<\/p>\n
Do they think that they can follow the success of East
\nTimorese people who were able to break from Indonesia in 1999?
\nThe annexation of East Timor was never recognized by the UN,
\nwhile in Irian case, the world body sponsored the self-
\ndetermination process.<\/p>\n
The 425,000-square-kilometer region covers 21.99 percent of
\nIndonesia's territory. However, its populace comprises less than
\none percent of the country's 210 million population.<\/p>\n
The people are very diverse, some of them have just emerged
\nfrom their stone-age civilization. No less than 250 languages are
\nspoken there.<\/p>\n
People living in Humbaldt Bay, for example, speak Tobadi,
\ninhabitants around Yapen island use Amabai and Turu, while Mimika
\nlanguage is used around Mimika. Dani tribes in Baliem Valley use
\na different language from people in Arfak and residents of Yamur
\nLake speak Ekari and Kapauku.<\/p>\n
Unlike other provinces in Indonesia, Muslims are the minority
\nin Papua. About 58 percent of the people are Protestants, 24.09
\npercent Muslims and 17 percent Catholics.<\/p>\n
The role of church is very strong there, while government
\nofficials and military officers are dominated by non-Papuans and
\nMuslims. Lots of non-Papuan officials see their employment in the
\nprovince more as punishment than anything else, and they prepare
\nfor their own future by abusing their power to enrich themselves.<\/p>\n
Papuans often complain about human rights abuses by the
\nmilitary and police. Meanwhile, military leaders defended their
\nactions as a part of national efforts to maintain political
\nstability and to crack down any separatist movements.<\/p>\n
Economic activities are controlled by outsiders, especially
\nBuginese, Javanese and Chinese traders.<\/p>\n
The Papuans feel they are treated as second-class citizens in
\ntheir own land, forced to follow the culture, custom, philosophy,
\nway of life and, in certain sense, the religion, of Javanese
\npeople (via the central government).<\/p>\n
They also feel they are completely different from other
\nIndonesians from their skin and ethnic origin.<\/p>\n
For Papuans, the autonomy bill is only a trick to win their
\nhearts while shifting their attention from their suffering before
\nthe resumption of colonialist practices against them.<\/p>\n
They have lost their trust in the government. They just want
\nto be allowed to live in peace.<\/p>\n
Even the East Timorese, whose natural resources are much
\nfewer, can build their own state. Why can't the Papuans do the
\nsame with their abundant natural resources?<\/p>\n
The central government should try not just to understand, but
\nthink, act and behave as Papuans. They should end the old
\npaternalistic belief that non-Papuans have an obligation to
\neducate the Papuans to be civilized.<\/p>\n
Sincerity is the key to dealing with the Papuans -- not candy
\nand, certainly, not empty promises.<\/p>",
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