Minorities and nation-building

Minorities and nation-building

This is the second of two articles excerpted from a speech delivered by Yayan G.H. Mulyana, chief of the Social Economic Affairs Section of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, at the second Informal Seminar on Human Rights of the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in Beijing on June 28 and June 30.

BEIJING: Indonesia, which has approximately 583 languages and dialects, is one of the most ethnically, religiously and linguistically pluralistic nation-states in the world.

Since its formation as a modern state, the country has been pluralistic in nature. A study by Anthony Reid shows that Indonesia in the "age of commerce" (15th-17th centuries) was replete with centers of commerce which were not only locally pluralistic but also cosmopolitan.

Pluralism is an inherent quality of the Indonesian nation- state. Mechanisms that uphold mutual interaction, adjustment and harmony operate within the pluralistic societal system. Some mechanisms are genuinely built in the society, inspired by local genius, while some others are established as a result of interaction with outside cultures.

In general, there are two categories of minorities in Indonesia: native minorities and non-native minorities.

The first category comprises all native ethnic groups throughout the Indonesian archipelago. These groups are equally "native" and "minority" and are successfully immersed into an imagined community/nation-state under the name "Indonesia".

Non-native minorities consist of European, Arabian, Indian and Chinese descendants.

The rest of this article will focus on the Chinese minority and its opportunities and constraints in engaging and being engaged in the Indonesian nation-building and national- development process.

Contact between the Chinese and the Indonesians began around the 13th century or earlier. A kingdom named Sriwijaya on Sumatra, one of the main islands in modern Indonesia, is known as a center for commerce and scientific advancement, where Chinese scholars and Buddhist monks visited and resided for years. The encounter led to fruitful interaction and mutual learning. Sriwijaya was then known as a center for the study of Buddhism in Southeast Asia.

In a later period, when Europeans began to land in the Indonesian archipelago and when modern cities and centers of commerce were growing, the Chinese continued to mingle and mutually adapt with the native Indonesians.

A study by HJ de Graff, et al., shows that in the 16th and 18th centuries the Chinese were an important part of the existing societies and ruling authorities. Bong Swi Hoo (better known as Sunan Ampel), for example, was a leading Muslim leader in 16th- century Java. Jin Bun (Raden Patah), also of Chinese origin, was the first king of Demak in Java. Common people of Chinese origin were as adaptable as those figures of Indonesian history.

In modern Indonesian history, particularly from the early years of independence to the end of the late president Sukarno's rule (1966), the process of engaging the Chinese in the national development process was affected by the ideological conflicts of the Cold War and the split of China into nationalist and communist blocs.

The increasing influence of the Chinese communists in Indonesia in the late 1950s and early 1960s amplified anti- Chinese sentiments. Such sentiments were worsened by the severe economic difficulties of the period.

In the era of president Soeharto (1966-1998), the Chinese- Indonesians were actively engaged in the Indonesian economy. The government's growth-oriented policy of the period resulted in development projects and activities that led to the emergence of privileged Chinese-Indonesians with wide economic access, business concessions and political protection from the authorities. This rich business class, or cukong, was able to build political patronage with the ruling authorities. Under the political aegis of the ruling authorities, the Chinese- Indonesians were able to vibrantly engage in strategic sectors of development and to advance businesses in most strategic sectors.

The cukong-type diversification and joint investment-levered diversification were parallel with the increasing economic liberalism through open-door policies in foreign capital introduction and the foreign exchange system as well as import substitution in intermediate and capital goods sectors. The policy of economic liberalism unexpectedly caused the increase of large Chinese-owned business groups and the decline of native minorities' capital.

The mechanism of engaging Chinese-Indonesians in national development in the period of the New Order (under president Soeharto) was not viable as it ended up furthering the anti- Chinese sentiment among the indigenous minorities. The ruling government had a very hard time devising a mechanism that could encourage creative diversity. The ramifications of the May 1998 riots are perhaps the most striking incident that proved the mechanism inapplicable.

Hope for better engagement is obvious and ardent in the post- New Order era. The succeeding government under President Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie that began in May 1998 has a sincere and strong commitment to devise a more viable mechanism to engage the Chinese-Indonesians in as many aspects of nation-building and as possible.

One first step that President Habibie has been taking toward a more viable mechanism is legal reform. On Sept. 16, 1998, the President issued instruction No. 26/1998 that prohibits government agencies and officials from acts of discrimination against any Indonesian based on his or her origin.

The President also instructed ministers, heads of state agencies, governors, mayors and regents to refrain from using the terms pribumi (native) and non-pribumi (non-native).

One big legal step just recently taken by the present government is the ratification of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination 1965, with Law No. 29/1999 on May 25, 1999. The government is also reviewing and planning to revoke a number of "discriminatory" rules.

The end of president Soeharto's era in may 1998 has created the most conducive environment for political participation of native and non-native minorities since 1966.

The Chinese-Indonesians and other minorities -- native and non-native -- can express their political freedom as much as they wish and can have political orientations to as many of the 48 contesting political parties as possible. Major political parties in the June 7 general election, such as the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the National Mandate Party (PAN) that have gained the highest votes by far, are broad-based and all-inclusive parties. Many of Indonesia's prominent ethnic Chinese are leading figures in the parties.