Lax upholding of law impeding Maluku's reconciliation

Lax upholding of law impeding Maluku's reconciliation

Clashes in the Maluku islands have gone on for almost one year
after they first broke out on Jan. 19. Thirty-eight people died
in the latest clash, while tens of thousands have fled. Jacob W.
Ajawaila, the head of a study team on intergroup conflict under
the Pattimura University in Ambon, recently replied to written
questions from The Jakarta Post.

Question: Why do you think the clashes in Ambon have reached
almost a year with little signs of subsiding?

Answer: Actually, from April to June, there were less conflicts,
partly due to a 19-member team formed by the Indonesian Military
(TNI) to help the local administration ... Community activities
had started to resume but conflicts broke out again at the end of
July. I see a number of factors which were neglected in the
cooling down period: the fact that an investigation into those
alleged as provocateurs was not completed; an absence of
transparency in explaining the main cause of each incident of
clashes; neglect to counter the many baseless rumors which were
making people restless and the fact that the reconciliation
program did not reach community members. Many of those involved
in the program had no roots, and there was wide mistrust against
authorities. The other factor has been the slow and lax handling
of refugees.

Q: How much truth is there in statements that provocateurs
started this prolonged conflict?

A: I think there is (some truth in the statements). The
provocateurs must have really known the social condition of
society here and they must have been quite familiar with the
characteristics of the people who are hardheaded, militant and
reactive. They are devoted to their religion and will react
strongly if they feel something insults their religious symbols.
Provocateurs have used rumors of the burning or destruction of a
mosque or church to flare fanaticism, group solidarity and mass
mobilization which have led to clashes.

Q: Are there any relations between provocateurs and military
members?

A: I do not know.

Q: The military itself has been reportedly divided; they have
been accused of being biased toward either Muslims or Christians.
How do you view this?

A: This is difficult to comment on. It has been clear that each
of the disputing groups have said that security forces from
certain units have sided with the other group. The Christians,
for example, have said that the artillery unit has been biased to
Muslims and have demanded their withdrawal. I think such
allegations depend on how people perceive the handling of the
clashes. In general, the Marines have been acceptable to all
sides, although once Muslims also rallied against them. Military
leaders in Ambon have said their forces are united and are doing
their job according to procedure. Our study team revealed there
has been mismanagement in the handling of conflicts to the extent
that clashes could not be stopped.

Q: How have the local elite viewed and handled the prolonged
clashes?

A: Since the first clash broke out on Jan. 19 and through the
cooling down period of three months, everyone thought the clashes
were over. A large part of security forces were withdrawn. But
when clashes broke out again at the end of July, the elite here
apparently could no longer deal with the problem, neither could
the Center of Social Reconciliation, formed by the local
administration. The presence of the military, police from outside
Maluku and the special military team sent to help overcome this
phase also seemed helpless.

Authorities and the elite here were of the view that the
clashes were very difficult to settle because it had reached a
deeply sensitive stage and had involved feelings of revenge from
victims -- mainly among those of lower-income groups.

The quality of clashes had also increased. In the first phase
traditional weapons were used; in the second (since the end of
July), there were homemade weapons with bullets usually used by
the National Police and Indonesian Military.

Also, the distrust toward leaders increased.

Q: Could you elaborate on how the poorest people view this
conflict and the impact on their lives?

A: They view the conflict as one between Muslims and Christians
so that each group must struggle to preserve their identity --
and physical clashes have therefore been inevitable. The conflict
is no longer rational and realistic. Victims have been among the
innocent poor who do not really know the causes of the conflict
which have only been in the name of groups.

Q: With the change of the central government, did the conflict
abate or increase?

A: More open violent conflicts seem to have declined in
general... however, incidents still happen sporadically, which
leads to the blocking of roads by disputing groups. But now there
has been abductions (of members of disputing groups, allegedly by
rivals).

It is not clear whether less conflicts have been because each
group has become fed up or because of changes in the political
constellation following the change in government. I believe the
change in national leadership has very much influenced conflicts
here. The study by the Pattimura University team has shown that
the conflict in Ambon was influenced by political struggle among
the elite, which contributed to the abuse of religion in local
conflicts here. So religion was just used to trigger unrest, it
wasn't the true cause.

Q: What was the real cause of the Ternate conflict in the north?

A: Refugees in Ambon and local papers said it was triggered by
leaflets from the Synod of the Maluku Protestant Church (GPM),
containing a call to attack Muslims. But the chairman of the
Synod, Sammy Titaley, said the leaflets had no relation to GPM
because his name and signature was forged ... he said it was the
action of irresponsible people.

Q: Could you describe the present condition in daily life in
Ambon?

A: The condition has become somewhat better compared to the
breakout of riots at the end of July ... but there are important
things to note as an impact of the conflict. Ambon has been
divided into borders of ... Muslim and Christian inhabitants,
which have greatly affected daily activities of students, traders
and private and public employees. Some routes are no longer
blockaded but because such routes are in the vicinity of a
disputing group, those from the other group will not dare pass
the area for fear of safety, even though there are security
forces on site.

This is, of course, related to the declining trust in security
forces among all groups. So to get to their destination, people
use alternative routes by sea, even if it means spending much
more on transportation.

The prolonged conflict has clearly brought dire economic
consequences. The arson of shops owned by Chinese Indonesians in
the shopping center on Jl. A.J. Patty led many owners to flee
Ambon, while those who stayed moved their stores to Christian-
dominated settlements.

The division of areas by religious borders has also affected
government-related and other formal activities. Many government
offices have had to be separated because of security reasons.
Regarding education, students of elementary to high school levels
have only been able to study in schools "dominated" by their
respective religious groups.

The (state owned) Pattimura University and private
universities have opened though they have not been able to
function properly. We can imagine the situation of people of
Ambon today. The above division of areas has greatly damaged
social relations; the social gap has widened, which has led to
increasing suspicions among the groups.

Q: The central government has already helped with rehabilitation
of a number of victims' homes and it has allocated help to
refugees. Would it be enough to continue these efforts?

A: Problems here have become so complicated that resolving it
should also be more comprehensive; it is not enough to channel
help to refugees and rehabilitate homes which were destroyed or
set on fire. The central and local governments, and also the
political and religious elite, need the political will to do so.
The settlement of problems, including those of refugees, should
include the following:

a) The law should be upheld, regarding those who broke it or
violated human rights. This should be firm and indiscriminative,
and must also be transparent to the public. People involved in
the conflict would be somewhat satisfied and get a sense of
justice. An independent fact-finding team needs to be set up
regarding rights violations.

b) Reconciliation attempts should be made between conflicting
groups, as relations among people have become greatly damaged
through intensive dialog among the elite and among ordinary
people of respective groups -- the latter are the ones most
involved in the clashes. A respected mediator is needed who is
acceptable to all groups. The role of religious leaders is vital
to help reconcile relations; this would include the task of
counseling people, mainly those who have become victims. A
precondition of reconciliation attempts is to put a stop to the
clashes, so the role of security forces is very important.

c) The handling of refugees must be done rapidly. It is not
unlikely that these victims could flare a new clash if this
problem is not seriously handled. Those who have lost property
and family members harbor deep feelings of revenge. Constant
guidance and counseling is needed ... to restore self-confidence
and help fulfill their needs to face the future. Guidance is
urgent for the younger generation who have been mostly involved
in the clashes so far. (Jongker Rumthe)