Lax upholding of law impeding Maluku's reconciliation
Lax upholding of law impeding Maluku's reconciliation
Clashes in the Maluku islands have gone on for almost one year after they first broke out on Jan. 19. Thirty-eight people died in the latest clash, while tens of thousands have fled. Jacob W. Ajawaila, the head of a study team on intergroup conflict under the Pattimura University in Ambon, recently replied to written questions from The Jakarta Post.
Question: Why do you think the clashes in Ambon have reached almost a year with little signs of subsiding?
Answer: Actually, from April to June, there were less conflicts, partly due to a 19-member team formed by the Indonesian Military (TNI) to help the local administration ... Community activities had started to resume but conflicts broke out again at the end of July. I see a number of factors which were neglected in the cooling down period: the fact that an investigation into those alleged as provocateurs was not completed; an absence of transparency in explaining the main cause of each incident of clashes; neglect to counter the many baseless rumors which were making people restless and the fact that the reconciliation program did not reach community members. Many of those involved in the program had no roots, and there was wide mistrust against authorities. The other factor has been the slow and lax handling of refugees.
Q: How much truth is there in statements that provocateurs started this prolonged conflict?
A: I think there is (some truth in the statements). The provocateurs must have really known the social condition of society here and they must have been quite familiar with the characteristics of the people who are hardheaded, militant and reactive. They are devoted to their religion and will react strongly if they feel something insults their religious symbols. Provocateurs have used rumors of the burning or destruction of a mosque or church to flare fanaticism, group solidarity and mass mobilization which have led to clashes.
Q: Are there any relations between provocateurs and military members?
A: I do not know.
Q: The military itself has been reportedly divided; they have been accused of being biased toward either Muslims or Christians. How do you view this?
A: This is difficult to comment on. It has been clear that each of the disputing groups have said that security forces from certain units have sided with the other group. The Christians, for example, have said that the artillery unit has been biased to Muslims and have demanded their withdrawal. I think such allegations depend on how people perceive the handling of the clashes. In general, the Marines have been acceptable to all sides, although once Muslims also rallied against them. Military leaders in Ambon have said their forces are united and are doing their job according to procedure. Our study team revealed there has been mismanagement in the handling of conflicts to the extent that clashes could not be stopped.
Q: How have the local elite viewed and handled the prolonged clashes?
A: Since the first clash broke out on Jan. 19 and through the cooling down period of three months, everyone thought the clashes were over. A large part of security forces were withdrawn. But when clashes broke out again at the end of July, the elite here apparently could no longer deal with the problem, neither could the Center of Social Reconciliation, formed by the local administration. The presence of the military, police from outside Maluku and the special military team sent to help overcome this phase also seemed helpless.
Authorities and the elite here were of the view that the clashes were very difficult to settle because it had reached a deeply sensitive stage and had involved feelings of revenge from victims -- mainly among those of lower-income groups.
The quality of clashes had also increased. In the first phase traditional weapons were used; in the second (since the end of July), there were homemade weapons with bullets usually used by the National Police and Indonesian Military.
Also, the distrust toward leaders increased.
Q: Could you elaborate on how the poorest people view this conflict and the impact on their lives?
A: They view the conflict as one between Muslims and Christians so that each group must struggle to preserve their identity -- and physical clashes have therefore been inevitable. The conflict is no longer rational and realistic. Victims have been among the innocent poor who do not really know the causes of the conflict which have only been in the name of groups.
Q: With the change of the central government, did the conflict abate or increase?
A: More open violent conflicts seem to have declined in general... however, incidents still happen sporadically, which leads to the blocking of roads by disputing groups. But now there has been abductions (of members of disputing groups, allegedly by rivals).
It is not clear whether less conflicts have been because each group has become fed up or because of changes in the political constellation following the change in government. I believe the change in national leadership has very much influenced conflicts here. The study by the Pattimura University team has shown that the conflict in Ambon was influenced by political struggle among the elite, which contributed to the abuse of religion in local conflicts here. So religion was just used to trigger unrest, it wasn't the true cause.
Q: What was the real cause of the Ternate conflict in the north?
A: Refugees in Ambon and local papers said it was triggered by leaflets from the Synod of the Maluku Protestant Church (GPM), containing a call to attack Muslims. But the chairman of the Synod, Sammy Titaley, said the leaflets had no relation to GPM because his name and signature was forged ... he said it was the action of irresponsible people.
Q: Could you describe the present condition in daily life in Ambon?
A: The condition has become somewhat better compared to the breakout of riots at the end of July ... but there are important things to note as an impact of the conflict. Ambon has been divided into borders of ... Muslim and Christian inhabitants, which have greatly affected daily activities of students, traders and private and public employees. Some routes are no longer blockaded but because such routes are in the vicinity of a disputing group, those from the other group will not dare pass the area for fear of safety, even though there are security forces on site.
This is, of course, related to the declining trust in security forces among all groups. So to get to their destination, people use alternative routes by sea, even if it means spending much more on transportation.
The prolonged conflict has clearly brought dire economic consequences. The arson of shops owned by Chinese Indonesians in the shopping center on Jl. A.J. Patty led many owners to flee Ambon, while those who stayed moved their stores to Christian- dominated settlements.
The division of areas by religious borders has also affected government-related and other formal activities. Many government offices have had to be separated because of security reasons. Regarding education, students of elementary to high school levels have only been able to study in schools "dominated" by their respective religious groups.
The (state owned) Pattimura University and private universities have opened though they have not been able to function properly. We can imagine the situation of people of Ambon today. The above division of areas has greatly damaged social relations; the social gap has widened, which has led to increasing suspicions among the groups.
Q: The central government has already helped with rehabilitation of a number of victims' homes and it has allocated help to refugees. Would it be enough to continue these efforts?
A: Problems here have become so complicated that resolving it should also be more comprehensive; it is not enough to channel help to refugees and rehabilitate homes which were destroyed or set on fire. The central and local governments, and also the political and religious elite, need the political will to do so. The settlement of problems, including those of refugees, should include the following:
a) The law should be upheld, regarding those who broke it or violated human rights. This should be firm and indiscriminative, and must also be transparent to the public. People involved in the conflict would be somewhat satisfied and get a sense of justice. An independent fact-finding team needs to be set up regarding rights violations.
b) Reconciliation attempts should be made between conflicting groups, as relations among people have become greatly damaged through intensive dialog among the elite and among ordinary people of respective groups -- the latter are the ones most involved in the clashes. A respected mediator is needed who is acceptable to all groups. The role of religious leaders is vital to help reconcile relations; this would include the task of counseling people, mainly those who have become victims. A precondition of reconciliation attempts is to put a stop to the clashes, so the role of security forces is very important.
c) The handling of refugees must be done rapidly. It is not unlikely that these victims could flare a new clash if this problem is not seriously handled. Those who have lost property and family members harbor deep feelings of revenge. Constant guidance and counseling is needed ... to restore self-confidence and help fulfill their needs to face the future. Guidance is urgent for the younger generation who have been mostly involved in the clashes so far. (Jongker Rumthe)