Differing interests divide Moslems

Differing interests divide Moslems

Islamic symbols have become more prominent on the Indonesian
political stage in recent weeks. Azyumardi Azra, rector of the
Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic Institute (IAIN) explains why.

Question: During the Nov. 13 Black Friday clash, demonstrating
students prayed in the streets, while government-back security
volunteers opposed to their cause chanted the name of Allah and
policemen shouted Allahu Akbar before shooting at demonstrators.
What does this mean?

Azyumardi: That is the worst manifestation of the misuse and
abuse of religious symbols in politics. Exclusive religious
symbols can easily be misused by rival political groups.

This phenomenon has blackened the image of Islam because the
use of sharpened bamboo poles and other primitive weapons has
created a threatening image.

I have often said that political groups should use meaningful
teachings of Islam, such as justice, democracy and deliberation,
to guide their political activities. They are all more important
than religious symbols.

Q: Do you see any attempts to play one Moslem group against
another?

A: Many political battles are being fought during this era of
reform and because 87 percent of the Indonesian population is
Moslem, all political groupings are seeking the support of this
massive segment of the electorate. The battles fought over this
territory give the impression that Moslems are being played off
against each other.

You could see this when the government hinted that it planned
to question opposition political figures grouped in the National
Front on charges of subversion. They all went to Ciganjur in
South Jakarta to seek protection from Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus
Dur), who is chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's
largest Moslem organization. At the same time, another Moslem
group announced its support for President B.J. Habibie, whom they
consider to be a better man to underwrite their political
interests.

Q: Many witnesses said that security volunteers did not pray,
even when gathered at the Istiqlal mosque before being deployed
on the streets, yet they shouted religious chants when facing
student demonstrators. Do you really think they belong to a
Moslem group?

A: I don't think they were supported by mainstream Moslem
organizations like NU and Muhammadiyah. Even their leaders, such
as Komaruddin Rachmat, were not known as Moslem activists.

Q: Do you think that those leaders were agents working for
Habibie?

A: I don't think so. But some rumors, which still need
verification, said they had a relationship with groups who
support the status quo.

However, if we are trying to be fair, we would say that the
deployment of volunteer security guards might have been in
response to certain groups' stated intention to disrupt the MPR's
Special Session. And yet the measure was very dangerous because
it could have sparked off serious violence.

Q: So, can we say that Indonesian Moslems are now divided?

A: Well, Indonesian Moslems have never been united politically,
except when they were grouped in the Masyumi organization in the
early 1950s. The difference now is that Moslems are more
factionalized than ever before. NU, for example, has now been
split into five political parties, while those claiming to belong
to Masyumi have established no less than three parties.

Q: What is the current state of affairs with regards to
Indonesian Moslems and politics?

A: Indonesian Moslems are now divided into two major groups --
traditionalist and modernist. The traditionalist group is
represented by NU's five political parties plus Perti and Al-
Washliyah, while the modernist group falls into two separate
factions -- conservative and liberal.

Modernist, conservative Moslems are grouped in political
parties that use Islam as their ideological basis, such as the
United Development Party (PPP), Partai Bulan Bintang and Partai
Keadilan, while modernist, liberal Moslems, particularly those
that come from Muhammadiyah and the Islamic Students Association
(HMI), are trying to articulate their aspirations through
ideologically-open organizations such as Golkar and the National
Mandate Party.

Q: Will all these parties struggle for the interests of Islam in
the political arena?

A: Thus far, they have shown a tendency to work for personal and
group interests. Such a tendency can be seen from, for example,
the establishment of different NU-based political parties
supported by competing NU figures like Gus Dur, his uncle Yusuf
Hasyim and Abu Hasan. It is also difficult to understand how
Ridwan Saidi and Mawardi Nur can set up different Masyumi-based
parties.

Q: Do you think there is any Moslem party that wants to change
Indonesia into an Islamic country?

A: No. Leaders of the Moslem parties have never voiced any
objection to Pancasila as the state ideology. The fact that
politicians wanted the MPR to lift the decree requiring political
parties to use Pancasila as their sole ideology was to counteract
former president Soeharto's efforts to retain power and
influence.

Q: Which of these parties will win major support in the next
general election?

A: The parties which found their policies on the substance of
Islamic teachings such as justice and democracy will win out over
those that use the teachings as a populist gesture. (riz)