Differing interests divide Moslems

Islamic symbols have become more prominent on the Indonesian political stage in recent weeks. Azyumardi Azra, rector of the Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic Institute (IAIN) explains why.

Question: During the Nov. 13 Black Friday clash, demonstrating students prayed in the streets, while government-back security volunteers opposed to their cause chanted the name of Allah and policemen shouted Allahu Akbar before shooting at demonstrators. What does this mean?

Azyumardi: That is the worst manifestation of the misuse and abuse of religious symbols in politics. Exclusive religious symbols can easily be misused by rival political groups.

This phenomenon has blackened the image of Islam because the use of sharpened bamboo poles and other primitive weapons has created a threatening image.

I have often said that political groups should use meaningful teachings of Islam, such as justice, democracy and deliberation, to guide their political activities. They are all more important than religious symbols.

Q: Do you see any attempts to play one Moslem group against another?

A: Many political battles are being fought during this era of reform and because 87 percent of the Indonesian population is Moslem, all political groupings are seeking the support of this massive segment of the electorate. The battles fought over this territory give the impression that Moslems are being played off against each other.

You could see this when the government hinted that it planned to question opposition political figures grouped in the National Front on charges of subversion. They all went to Ciganjur in South Jakarta to seek protection from Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), who is chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's largest Moslem organization. At the same time, another Moslem group announced its support for President B.J. Habibie, whom they consider to be a better man to underwrite their political interests.

Q: Many witnesses said that security volunteers did not pray, even when gathered at the Istiqlal mosque before being deployed on the streets, yet they shouted religious chants when facing student demonstrators. Do you really think they belong to a Moslem group?

A: I don't think they were supported by mainstream Moslem organizations like NU and Muhammadiyah. Even their leaders, such as Komaruddin Rachmat, were not known as Moslem activists.

Q: Do you think that those leaders were agents working for Habibie?

A: I don't think so. But some rumors, which still need verification, said they had a relationship with groups who support the status quo.

However, if we are trying to be fair, we would say that the deployment of volunteer security guards might have been in response to certain groups' stated intention to disrupt the MPR's Special Session. And yet the measure was very dangerous because it could have sparked off serious violence.

Q: So, can we say that Indonesian Moslems are now divided?

A: Well, Indonesian Moslems have never been united politically, except when they were grouped in the Masyumi organization in the early 1950s. The difference now is that Moslems are more factionalized than ever before. NU, for example, has now been split into five political parties, while those claiming to belong to Masyumi have established no less than three parties.

Q: What is the current state of affairs with regards to Indonesian Moslems and politics?

A: Indonesian Moslems are now divided into two major groups -- traditionalist and modernist. The traditionalist group is represented by NU's five political parties plus Perti and Al- Washliyah, while the modernist group falls into two separate factions -- conservative and liberal.

Modernist, conservative Moslems are grouped in political parties that use Islam as their ideological basis, such as the United Development Party (PPP), Partai Bulan Bintang and Partai Keadilan, while modernist, liberal Moslems, particularly those that come from Muhammadiyah and the Islamic Students Association (HMI), are trying to articulate their aspirations through ideologically-open organizations such as Golkar and the National Mandate Party.

Q: Will all these parties struggle for the interests of Islam in the political arena?

A: Thus far, they have shown a tendency to work for personal and group interests. Such a tendency can be seen from, for example, the establishment of different NU-based political parties supported by competing NU figures like Gus Dur, his uncle Yusuf Hasyim and Abu Hasan. It is also difficult to understand how Ridwan Saidi and Mawardi Nur can set up different Masyumi-based parties.

Q: Do you think there is any Moslem party that wants to change Indonesia into an Islamic country?

A: No. Leaders of the Moslem parties have never voiced any objection to Pancasila as the state ideology. The fact that politicians wanted the MPR to lift the decree requiring political parties to use Pancasila as their sole ideology was to counteract former president Soeharto's efforts to retain power and influence.

Q: Which of these parties will win major support in the next general election?

A: The parties which found their policies on the substance of Islamic teachings such as justice and democracy will win out over those that use the teachings as a populist gesture. (riz)