Differing interests divide Moslems<\/p>\n
Islamic symbols have become more prominent on the Indonesian
\npolitical stage in recent weeks. Azyumardi Azra, rector of the
\nSyarif Hidayatullah State Islamic Institute (IAIN) explains why.<\/p>\n
Question: During the Nov. 13 Black Friday clash, demonstrating
\nstudents prayed in the streets, while government-back security
\nvolunteers opposed to their cause chanted the name of Allah and
\npolicemen shouted Allahu Akbar before shooting at demonstrators.
\nWhat does this mean?<\/p>\n
Azyumardi: That is the worst manifestation of the misuse and
\nabuse of religious symbols in politics. Exclusive religious
\nsymbols can easily be misused by rival political groups.<\/p>\n
This phenomenon has blackened the image of Islam because the
\nuse of sharpened bamboo poles and other primitive weapons has
\ncreated a threatening image.<\/p>\n
I have often said that political groups should use meaningful
\nteachings of Islam, such as justice, democracy and deliberation,
\nto guide their political activities. They are all more important
\nthan religious symbols.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you see any attempts to play one Moslem group against
\nanother?<\/p>\n
A: Many political battles are being fought during this era of
\nreform and because 87 percent of the Indonesian population is
\nMoslem, all political groupings are seeking the support of this
\nmassive segment of the electorate. The battles fought over this
\nterritory give the impression that Moslems are being played off
\nagainst each other.<\/p>\n
You could see this when the government hinted that it planned
\nto question opposition political figures grouped in the National
\nFront on charges of subversion. They all went to Ciganjur in
\nSouth Jakarta to seek protection from Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus
\nDur), who is chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), the country's
\nlargest Moslem organization. At the same time, another Moslem
\ngroup announced its support for President B.J. Habibie, whom they
\nconsider to be a better man to underwrite their political
\ninterests.<\/p>\n
Q: Many witnesses said that security volunteers did not pray,
\neven when gathered at the Istiqlal mosque before being deployed
\non the streets, yet they shouted religious chants when facing
\nstudent demonstrators. Do you really think they belong to a
\nMoslem group?<\/p>\n
A: I don't think they were supported by mainstream Moslem
\norganizations like NU and Muhammadiyah. Even their leaders, such
\nas Komaruddin Rachmat, were not known as Moslem activists.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you think that those leaders were agents working for
\nHabibie?<\/p>\n
A: I don't think so. But some rumors, which still need
\nverification, said they had a relationship with groups who
\nsupport the status quo.<\/p>\n
However, if we are trying to be fair, we would say that the
\ndeployment of volunteer security guards might have been in
\nresponse to certain groups' stated intention to disrupt the MPR's
\nSpecial Session. And yet the measure was very dangerous because
\nit could have sparked off serious violence.<\/p>\n
Q: So, can we say that Indonesian Moslems are now divided?<\/p>\n
A: Well, Indonesian Moslems have never been united politically,
\nexcept when they were grouped in the Masyumi organization in the
\nearly 1950s. The difference now is that Moslems are more
\nfactionalized than ever before. NU, for example, has now been
\nsplit into five political parties, while those claiming to belong
\nto Masyumi have established no less than three parties.<\/p>\n
Q: What is the current state of affairs with regards to
\nIndonesian Moslems and politics?<\/p>\n
A: Indonesian Moslems are now divided into two major groups --
\ntraditionalist and modernist. The traditionalist group is
\nrepresented by NU's five political parties plus Perti and Al-
\nWashliyah, while the modernist group falls into two separate
\nfactions -- conservative and liberal.<\/p>\n
Modernist, conservative Moslems are grouped in political
\nparties that use Islam as their ideological basis, such as the
\nUnited Development Party (PPP), Partai Bulan Bintang and Partai
\nKeadilan, while modernist, liberal Moslems, particularly those
\nthat come from Muhammadiyah and the Islamic Students Association
\n(HMI), are trying to articulate their aspirations through
\nideologically-open organizations such as Golkar and the National
\nMandate Party.<\/p>\n
Q: Will all these parties struggle for the interests of Islam in
\nthe political arena?<\/p>\n
A: Thus far, they have shown a tendency to work for personal and
\ngroup interests. Such a tendency can be seen from, for example,
\nthe establishment of different NU-based political parties
\nsupported by competing NU figures like Gus Dur, his uncle Yusuf
\nHasyim and Abu Hasan. It is also difficult to understand how
\nRidwan Saidi and Mawardi Nur can set up different Masyumi-based
\nparties.<\/p>\n
Q: Do you think there is any Moslem party that wants to change
\nIndonesia into an Islamic country?<\/p>\n
A: No. Leaders of the Moslem parties have never voiced any
\nobjection to Pancasila as the state ideology. The fact that
\npoliticians wanted the MPR to lift the decree requiring political
\nparties to use Pancasila as their sole ideology was to counteract
\nformer president Soeharto's efforts to retain power and
\ninfluence.<\/p>\n
Q: Which of these parties will win major support in the next
\ngeneral election?<\/p>\n
A: The parties which found their policies on the substance of
\nIslamic teachings such as justice and democracy will win out over
\nthose that use the teachings as a populist gesture. (riz)<\/p>",
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