Changes in Megawati, hopefully for the better

Among those sharing "guarded optimism" for the presidency of Megawati Soekarnoputri is researcher and rector of the Jakarta State Islamic Studies Institute Azyumardi Azra.

Question: What is your impression of the events leading up to the swearing-in of Megawati?

Answer: It was very democratic, constitutional. The Nahdlatul Ulama (NU, the 34-million strong organization Gus Dur once led) must not be humiliated. The absence of euphoria (in welcoming the new President), even in Bali (a strong support base for Megawati), was good. This showed the deference of PDI Perjuangan members toward Gus Dur's supporters.

I have guarded optimism, that in two years our politics will be more stable, particularly with Megawati's reserve and caution.

Q: Activists supporting Gus Dur, some who said they failed to help Gus Dur to seek graceful exit, fear the return of New Order elements...

A: The yardstick of "New Order" elements is no longer fair. It's time activists abandon partisanship politics. Their function is empowerment. We ask that NGOs remain faithful to principles of democracy; it's a contradiction in terms if pro-democracy activists justify (undemocratic actions) to preserve power.

Q: How do you see NU's future?

A: It must be more firm in differentiating NU from the National Awakening Party faction (PKB) in the legislature ... and return to its founding principle (khittah) of 1926: its disengagement from politics, or followers will be confused. NU's image will be hurt further and its mission as a social organization will fail. The (modernist) Muhammadiyah organization has managed to do this better. Yet NU does have examples, such as in its Rois Aam, (leader of its law making body) Kyai Sahal Mahfudz who does have political views. He refused to attend the istigosah (prayer meeting) in Jakarta following the second memorandum of the legislature (against Gus Dur).

Q: How should President Megawati accommodate Islamic forces?

A: Since the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) won the 1999 elections there wasn't really an issue of a woman president anymore; it was the question of her capability and silence. Since she lost the presidency to become vice president Megawati has changed. She has implicitly recognized that Muslims are inevitably a political reality.

Some of her steps, such as going on the haj and the umroh (minor haj), have been very positive, ending speculations about her religion (whether she was Hindu or Muslim).

Islam rules that we have no right to judge whether she did such things for political aims, we can only trust that her intent was genuine, so her haj would be more meaningful.

What is important is the social political implications (of such rituals). She has at last become integral to Islam here and more acceptable to many Muslims. So, as President, she has shown her commitment to accommodating Islam, particularly ahead of the Special Session when political parties met at her residence.

This change is also reflected in her party's leadership which displayed an unfriendly, high profile as the victors in the 1999 election. A blessing in disguise was also Megawati's "internship" as vice president and her much criticized silence, which, given Gus Dur's controversial remarks, avoided even further controversy. Her VP office was also fairly well managed.

Q: But she was so slow on the issue of Maluku, for example...

A: This is what many are waiting for. Gus Dur put her in charge of, among other things, the Maluku (conflict). She made a mistake by mainly involving figures from her party, to which Muslims there were highly resistant given the presence of people like (retired military officer) Theo Syafei. Her approach to such issues has begun to change. It would help if she involves interdepartmental (sources) and independent researchers, like the earlier team on Maluku (including Azyumardi) headed by (sociologist and presidential advisor) Selo Soemardjan.

Q: How do you see reform in the TNI under Megawati?

A: We must make sure TNI becomes a professional defense force uninvolved in the politics of parties. They would need to seek the support of TNI ahead of the next elections. TNI and the National Police remain the most solid institutions.

The potential for the political role of (these institutions) would be much reduced if Megawati succeeds in forming cross-party membership in her cabinet. This would be accommodative and also an effort of reconciliation. This was not stressed enough in her (maiden) speech. I had suggested that she indicate forgiveness for those considered to have violated the Constitution, such as Gus Dur in his issuing of the decree. The NU must be accommodated. Reconciliation would also have to include political cases -- how to forgive but not forget. A failure of the reform movement has been the inability among some of us to make peace with history.

Q: So what should we do with Golkar?

A: It is up to us to ensure that Golkar and any other party including PDI Perjuangan no longer become a repressive, manipulative power. Unfortunately PKB failed to see reality; its (plan) to dissolve itself was not strategic and against party interests. The PKB faction is needed as a vehicle for NU's legal channel for its political aspirations. (anr)