Changes in Megawati, hopefully for the better<\/p>\n
Among those sharing \"guarded optimism\" for the presidency of
\nMegawati Soekarnoputri is researcher and rector of the Jakarta
\nState Islamic Studies Institute Azyumardi Azra.<\/p>\n
Question: What is your impression of the events leading up to
\nthe swearing-in of Megawati?<\/p>\n
Answer: It was very democratic, constitutional. The Nahdlatul
\nUlama (NU, the 34-million strong organization Gus Dur once led)
\nmust not be humiliated. The absence of euphoria (in welcoming the
\nnew President), even in Bali (a strong support base for
\nMegawati), was good. This showed the deference of PDI Perjuangan
\nmembers toward Gus Dur's supporters.<\/p>\n
I have guarded optimism, that in two years our politics will
\nbe more stable, particularly with Megawati's reserve and caution.<\/p>\n
Q: Activists supporting Gus Dur, some who said they failed to
\nhelp Gus Dur to seek graceful exit, fear the return of New Order
\nelements...<\/p>\n
A: The yardstick of \"New Order\" elements is no longer fair. It's
\ntime activists abandon partisanship politics. Their function is
\nempowerment. We ask that NGOs remain faithful to principles of
\ndemocracy; it's a contradiction in terms if pro-democracy
\nactivists justify (undemocratic actions) to preserve power.<\/p>\n
Q: How do you see NU's future?<\/p>\n
A: It must be more firm in differentiating NU from the National
\nAwakening Party faction (PKB) in the legislature ... and return
\nto its founding principle (khittah) of 1926: its disengagement
\nfrom politics, or followers will be confused. NU's image will be
\nhurt further and its mission as a social organization will fail.
\nThe (modernist) Muhammadiyah organization has managed to do this
\nbetter. Yet NU does have examples, such as in its Rois Aam,
\n(leader of its law making body) Kyai Sahal Mahfudz who does have
\npolitical views. He refused to attend the istigosah (prayer
\nmeeting) in Jakarta following the second memorandum of the
\nlegislature (against Gus Dur).<\/p>\n
Q: How should President Megawati accommodate Islamic forces?<\/p>\n
A: Since the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI
\nPerjuangan) won the 1999 elections there wasn't really an issue
\nof a woman president anymore; it was the question of her
\ncapability and silence. Since she lost the presidency to become
\nvice president Megawati has changed. She has implicitly
\nrecognized that Muslims are inevitably a political reality.<\/p>\n
Some of her steps, such as going on the haj and the umroh
\n(minor haj), have been very positive, ending speculations about
\nher religion (whether she was Hindu or Muslim).<\/p>\n
Islam rules that we have no right to judge whether she did
\nsuch things for political aims, we can only trust that her intent
\nwas genuine, so her haj would be more meaningful.<\/p>\n
What is important is the social political implications (of
\nsuch rituals). She has at last become integral to Islam here and
\nmore acceptable to many Muslims. So, as President, she has shown
\nher commitment to accommodating Islam, particularly ahead of the
\nSpecial Session when political parties met at her residence.<\/p>\n
This change is also reflected in her party's leadership which
\ndisplayed an unfriendly, high profile as the victors in the 1999
\nelection. A blessing in disguise was also Megawati's \"internship\"
\nas vice president and her much criticized silence, which, given
\nGus Dur's controversial remarks, avoided even further
\ncontroversy. Her VP office was also fairly well managed.<\/p>\n
Q: But she was so slow on the issue of Maluku, for example...<\/p>\n
A: This is what many are waiting for. Gus Dur put her in charge
\nof, among other things, the Maluku (conflict). She made a mistake
\nby mainly involving figures from her party, to which Muslims
\nthere were highly resistant given the presence of people like
\n(retired military officer) Theo Syafei. Her approach to such
\nissues has begun to change. It would help if she involves
\ninterdepartmental (sources) and independent researchers, like the
\nearlier team on Maluku (including Azyumardi) headed by
\n(sociologist and presidential advisor) Selo Soemardjan.<\/p>\n
Q: How do you see reform in the TNI under Megawati?<\/p>\n
A: We must make sure TNI becomes a professional defense force
\nuninvolved in the politics of parties. They would need to seek
\nthe support of TNI ahead of the next elections. TNI and the
\nNational Police remain the most solid institutions.<\/p>\n
The potential for the political role of (these institutions)
\nwould be much reduced if Megawati succeeds in forming cross-party
\nmembership in her cabinet. This would be accommodative and also
\nan effort of reconciliation. This was not stressed enough in her
\n(maiden) speech. I had suggested that she indicate forgiveness
\nfor those considered to have violated the Constitution, such as
\nGus Dur in his issuing of the decree. The NU must be
\naccommodated. Reconciliation would also have to include political
\ncases -- how to forgive but not forget. A failure of the reform
\nmovement has been the inability among some of us to make peace
\nwith history.<\/p>\n
Q: So what should we do with Golkar?<\/p>\n
A: It is up to us to ensure that Golkar and any other party
\nincluding PDI Perjuangan no longer become a repressive,
\nmanipulative power. Unfortunately PKB failed to see reality; its
\n(plan) to dissolve itself was not strategic and against party
\ninterests. The PKB faction is needed as a vehicle for NU's legal
\nchannel for its political aspirations. (anr)<\/p>",
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