Can Yudhoyono use his big win to change Indonesia?

Can Yudhoyono use his big win to change Indonesia?

Karim Raslan, The Straits Times, Asia News Network, Singapore

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has won a staggering personal
mandate. The 55-year-old former general from the small town of
Pacitan in East Java has undergone an extraordinarily grueling
political baptism -- almost unprecedented within Asia -- to
emerge as Indonesia's sixth president.

This robust democratic process and Susilo's successful
handling of its various (and often messy) challenges will enhance
his reputation globally. Moreover, his achievement as the
incoming leader of the world's largest Muslim nation will
underline the fact that Islam and democracy are not mutually
exclusive ideas.

Susilo had to face countless high-profile and feisty live TV
debates and tough newspaper interviews with Indonesia's
increasingly independent media. After eight months of intensive
national campaigning and three grueling electoral contests, his
legitimacy is therefore hard-earned and rock-solid.

At the same time, his popularity is genuine and nation-wide --
notwithstanding attempts to blacken his reputation as a racist
Islamicist on the one hand and a pro-American toady on the other.

Similarly, objections to his military background have also
been overcome through a combination of his quintessentially
Javanese and understated personal style and his willingness to
subject himself to public scrutiny. However, anti-military
feelings run deep and many observers will be watching the
President-elect's ties with the military very closely.

Still, the surprising margin of victory -- he led the
incumbent Megawati Soekarnoputri by well over 20 percent of the
popular vote -- means he will now be in the position to redraw
Indonesia's political landscape.

Certainly, Susilo will want to win over the legislature, given
that his own Democrat Party holds no more than 7 percent of the
seats. In this respect, the newly-introduced direct presidential
polls have undermined the power of traditional political elites
(exemplified by the morally compromised Akbar Tanjung, leader of
the Golkar party) with their culture of backroom deal-making.

Both Susilo and his deputy Jusuf Kalla will seek to co-opt
allies from, and build bridges with, the two largest parties,
Golkar party and the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI-P). Together, the two parties control 307 of the 550 seats
in the legislature.

The incoming President will also enjoy a remarkable degree of
flexibility as he selects his Cabinet. As a former security
minister in Megawati's administration, he understands the need to
set out a clear direction, both in terms of policy and ethical
behavior.

Moreover, Susilo's breadth of experience and his attention to
detail will mean he will want to involve himself with policy-
making and implementation in a manner quite unlike any other
Indonesian president. This could cause a logjam if Susilo proves
unable to delegate effectively.

Susilo will focus his attention on the economy, drumming up
foreign direct investment, tackling law and order, addressing the
strife in Aceh, improving Indonesia's competitiveness, reforming
the country's fiendishly expensive kerosene subsidies and
focusing the security apparatus on the terrorist threat.

His offensive against extremist networks will cause concern
amongst the country's many human rights activists, but their
criticisms will be drowned out by the approval he receives from a
population weary of terrorist attacks on Indonesian soil.

There is no doubt he will want to include a number of
independent professional figures in his Cabinet -- people with
real credibility and integrity. In so doing, he will be able to
signal the seriousness of his administration to both domestic and
international audiences.

Ideally, these figures should be non-partisan and respected by
the business community. This means that Megawati's economic czar,
Boediono, may well be retained. However, it is possible that
economists such as the International Monetary Fund's Southeast
Asia executive director Sri Mulyani Indrawati and think-tanker
Mari Pangestu may end up playing important roles, as could lawyer
Todung Mulya Lubis.

Other names being bandied around are the human rights'
activist Marsillam Simanjuntak and educationist Azyurmadi Azra.

The campaigning has also showed incoming Vice-President Jusuf
Kalla's limitations. His straight-dealing manner and pro-pribumi
rhetoric caused a minor crisis within Susilo's team just before
the final run-off as prominent ethnic Chinese figures moved away
from the former general. Susilo will now seek to limit Jusuf's
role and assert his authority in economic matters once again.

The professionals will be matched by Susilo's inner circle of
advisers -- people such as Rachmat Witoelar, an experienced
political hand (he was a former secretary-general of Golkar), and
economist Joyo Winoto. They will be used to balance the prominent
role played by former military officers in Susilo's team.

At the same time, Susilo will have to accommodate some of the
political parties that supported his candidacy. In this, he will
want to be circumspect, since much of this political support
emanates from the more conservative Islamic parties, such as
Crescent Star Party (PBB) and the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Finally, Indonesia's gains in terms of civil liberties must
now be matched by socio-economic "deliverables". If Southeast
Asia wants to see a real boost in the region's performance,
Susilo will need to deliver on his promises of good governance.

The writer is a Kuala Lumpur-based lawyer and columnist.