Acehnese hold little hope for elections
Acehnese hold little hope for elections
Nani Farida and
Ridwan Max Sijabat
The Jakarta Post
Banda Aceh/Jakarta
While the provincial government has predicted Aceh's elections
will run successfully, many Acehnese are pessimistic they will be
democratic or deliver a desired outcome.
Authorities have given assurances of free and fair elections,
which begin in the province on April 5. However, many Acehnese
say it will be impossible for the military, which has never
practised democracy, to run democratic elections under martial
law.
Iskandar, 45, resident of Kuta Alam in the provincial capital
of Banda Aceh, said he was uninterested in the general elections.
Previous elections had not improved day-to-day life in the
troubled province, he said.
Forty-year-old Muhammad Jamal, a resident of Banda Aceh's
Lamlagang, agreed. Many Acehnese greeted the elections
unenthusiastically because they had long been forced to stay
quiet, he said.
"Long before the launch of the military operations (against
the Free Aceh Movement, or GAM) last June, we were prohibited to
express our aspirations. The more people make a noise, the more
they are killed or arrested," Muhammad said.
"Like others, I will probably go to the ballot booth to cast
my vote -- but I am not doing it of my own free will. If I don't
vote, I am considered a supporter of GAM," he said.
People had no chance to exercise their political rights since
the recent exodus of observers, who were accused by the
authorities of conspiring with the separatists and their
supporters.
"Many people have been frightened by a recent incident where a
North Aceh resident was killed after speaking to a private TV
station. We have no (political) parties to share our grievances
with and, therefore, it is better to remain silent," he said.
Tuti, a 25-year-old student of Syiah Kuala University, said,
if they had the choice, most Acehnese wouldn't participate in the
elections. It did not matter which party won the elections as
none could solve the deep-seated troubles in the province.
Refugees who occupy mosques and Islamic boarding schools in
Bireuen and Lhokseumawe said they were not confident they could
safely return home and vote as they did in the previous
elections.
"We are taking refuge here to avoid arrest from the security
authorities and because we are longer confident in the
government," said a refugee, who asked for anonymity.
The number of refugees has decreased drastically to 5,300 from
about 35,000 at the beginning of the military operation.
GAM's strong influence in the province meant only a half of
all voters participated in the 1999 elections. At least 30
percent of the province's legislators were appointed by the
province's General Election Commission (KPU) on the basis of the
1997 election results.
A human rights activist who has monitored conditions in Aceh
from Jakarta, said observers were skeptical of democratic and
fair elections under the existing state of emergency.
"The General Election Commission will not be able to maintain
their independence in organizing the elections...
because the military emergency administration has complete
authority in line with the 1959 emergency law 'to engineer a
successful election'," the activist, who asked to remain
nameless, said.
"And like previous elections, these are certain to install
illegitimate and corrupt legislators and governments."
As in elections during the New Order era, several political
parties, including Golkar and the United Development Party (PPP),
were cooperating with the military to ensure they won as many
votes as possible, he said.
The KPU has divided the province into eight electoral
districts for provincial and legislative seats and two districts
for House of Representative seats. It has depended on the Army to
organize the elections.
Oto Syamsuddin, a sociologist at the Syiah Kuala University in
Banda Aceh, observed that Golkar, the PPP and the ruling
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) were forming
alliances in the region -- along with other smaller military-
linked parties.
"Both the military and political parties will defend their
common interests to maintain a unified Indonesia. The military
has security business that has cost the state more than Rp 1.3
trillion while Golkar, the PPP and the PDI-P are eyeing the
province's rich resources," Oto said.
The military and police had formed militia groups that would
be mobilized during the election campaign to support political
parties and to drive people to ballot booths.
"Even in East Aceh locals feel safer holding the membership
cards of military-linked parties than the holding red-and-white
identity cards," he said.
Locals would feel threatened by the increased military
presence and vote for the establishment, whatever their views.
Those who refused to vote would be considered supporters of the
separatists, he said.
Oto said Golkar could harness the military emergency to have a
good chance of winning the provincial elections. Incumbent
governor Abdulla Puteh was a Golkar member and the party had
strong support among members of the bureaucracy and employees of
mining and fertilizer companies.
However, some religious leaders and voters in rural areas were
fanatic supporters of the PPP, he said.
Oto was pessimistic the military regime was ready to
demilitarize secure electoral districts.
"If the military is committed to a democratic process, it
should agree to a cease-fire with GAM during the elections and
respect the people's right to cast their votes -- or not vote.
"It should also let voters reject problematic candidates in
their efforts to form a democratic government -- as is stipulated
in the last agreement (on Aceh) mediated by the Henri Dunant
Center," he said.
Eyebox:
It is difficult for us to be independent in organizing the
elections because a part of the election budget comes from the
martial administration and the local political elite, says
Syarifah Rahmatillah, a member of the Aceh provincial chapter of
the General Elections Commission.
Photo: Acehnese people pay no attention to calls for them to vote
in the elections.