What people think of Habibie and expect from him now

What people think of Habibie and expect from him now

JAKARTA (JP): How do people evaluate President B.J. Habibie's first 100 days in office? Politicians, researchers, businesspeople and ordinary citizens share their views:

* Amien Rais, chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN):

In some aspects Habibie has taken encouraging steps such as (attempts to give) freedom of the press and freedom of speech and the release of a considerable number of political prisoners.

He also presents the image of a president, not a king; it's easier to gain access to him. He's not afraid of meeting chief editors. This should be noticed.

But it's not enough. That's why I've suggested that he make three "big bangs" to gain the trust of the people and the market.

The first is to crack down on corruption, collusion and nepotism. Second, he must demand that the Armed Forces (ABRI) leadership immediately reveal those behind the May riots. Who killed the students, who was behind the looting and rapes. He must find the ABRI officers responsible for (the rights abuses in) Aceh, Lampung and Tanjung Priok. This is very important. Without the courage to pursue officers involved in those violations, it would be difficult for him to gain people's trust.

Third, Habibie must shake off the shadow of (former president) Soeharto. He must dare to investigate the wealth of Soeharto and his family, and see that the investigation is legally processed.

So I strongly agree that Habibie's presidency is a transitional one, because the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) which agreed to his presidency was a sham, a political creature invented by Soeharto (and one) which should be overhauled.

Whoever becomes the next president must have the moral courage to reveal the corruption throughout Soeharto's era. In countries like Thailand, South Korea or even Iran, new regimes would cleanse the decay of the old ones. Otherwise, the new administrations repeat the mistakes.

I think Habibie can lead Indonesia to the 1999 general election and I hope he does. If he falls before that, his successor will not have any legitimacy. And if it's that sham of an MPR which makes him step down the result would also be a sham. The people will come forward (against the new leader) and so will I. Is Habibie only doing a cosmetic job (with his policies)? No, it's because people want a big lunch and he's only giving us salad.

I don't know (whether) he lacks independence from the military but he has nothing to lose. Habibie became the highest commander when he assumed the presidency (according to the Constitution), so what should he fear? Maybe he hasn't got enough organizational experience. He needs to be more courageous.

* Ichlasul Amal, political scientist/rector of Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta:

As many have said, Habibie has basically done the right things in economics and politics. But there are small things which could trip him up.

There are also significant concerns; in politics the foremost is about the next elections. If a draft of the election law is submitted directly to the House of Representatives, people would view this in a negative light because its members are the same old people. The law should be discussed among all the new parties.

I'm not an economist, but I wouldn't say that Habibie is not serious in regards to the economy. What I feel is that there is a lack of transparency, for instance about how much government money is involved in saving problematic banks. This seems insignificant but it needs to be cleared as it concerns public funds. It's an economic matter but it is (a question of) transparency.

We cannot say Habibie's government is the same as Soeharto's. Whoever replaced Soeharto would surely have tried to rid its administration of Soeharto's image. So Habibie was close to Soeharto, but he would have to take a different stand. It would be very hard for him to be accepted otherwise.

What we need is a democracy, and Habibie is not a military figure nor is he charismatic. This is just right for the future president; not too formal. For instance, in protocol matters he is less restricted and that is what a modern president should be like, he should be close to the people, and not become king-like.

* Dewi Fortuna Anwar, an assistant to Minister/State Secretary Akbar Tandjung: Habibie's survival in his first 100 days should be considered a miracle. What is more important is not his first 100 days but (how he handled the situation) during the (political) crisis after May 17 (when Soeharto was still in power) until he formed his Cabinet. There was the possibility that if (the government) made a mistake in handling the crisis, it would not have enjoyed a smooth landing but a crash.

Habibie is expected to succeed during this period of transition until a democratic government is established.

Whoever became president would have had difficulty in trying to overcome the crisis. It would take at least four to five years to recover. About Habibie's chance in the next presidential election: Habibie will be a strong contender, he might not be everybody's first choice, but people don't necessarily have strong emotions against him.

* Achmad Tirtosoediro, deputy chairman of the Supreme Advisory Council and chairman of the Association of Indonesian Moslem Intellectuals (ICMI): I have known Habibie for 25 years; he is honest and sincere. He is ... open to criticism. As far as I know he has no personal interest in being president, (he would stand for reelection) only if people want him. During his 100 days as president, Habibie made some changes for democratization.

First of all he has given more freedom of speech, released political prisoners, made some economic policies in order to provide people with food and has tried to stabilize the rupiah.

* Ananta, a student at private Pancasila University: He used to be Soeharto's trusted aide, so it would be impossible for him to do things differently from Soeharto as demanded by protesting students: No more corruption, collusion and nepotism.

He gave his wife and brother the most prestigious medals at a time when people cannot afford to buy food. I know he freed political prisoners, (but) the most important matter is to improve our ailing economy, solve the crisis, help people obtain decent food.

* Suryanto, a photocopy shop employee: I wish Pak Habibie would think about our problems. Everything is expensive now. A kilogram of rice is now being sold for Rp 2,500. And that's low- quality rice. Sugar, eggs, everything is expensive. How can we go on living like this?

* Mochtar Pabottingi, a political scientist from the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI): Habibie should conduct a thorough investigation (into Soeharto's wealth) and he's not doing it. Corruption and collusion are still rampant in the Habibie administration. He did start to restrict freedom of association and planned to issue licenses to journalists.

He runs his administration in a similar way to Soeharto.

This can been seen by Habibie's reluctance to thoroughly investigate Soeharto's wealth and the shooting of Trisakti University students last May. This is similar to the New Order administration when Soeharto's government declined to thoroughly investigate the cases of (murdered labor activist) Marsinah and (journalist) Muhammad Fuad Syafruddin.

But Habibie has also made corrections, especially in human rights; he has launched an action plan for a national human rights campaign and apologized for past military human rights violations.

Habibie should show his goodwill to run a fair general election in efforts to prepare a future democratic government.

Todung Mulya Lubis, corporate lawyer: Habibie's government is still overshadowed by former president Soeharto. Habibie's decision to release political prisoners, to campaign for human rights and to allow a multiparty system are not new as they are prerequisite for a democratic country.

No matter who was president, he would have to do the same.

Habibie's similarity to Soeharto is in their reluctance to stop collusion, corruption and nepotism, and monopoly and oligopoly within the economy.

This reluctance, which is against the reform spirit, will bring negative impacts to his position as a president.

Habibie can save his reputation by replacing the current authoritarian system and his men with a democratic one filled with professionals. Otherwise Habibie will not win support from the people if he wants to run for the presidency.

* Mgr. J. Hadiwikarta, secretary-general to the Conference of Indonesian Bishops (KWI): There are many strange things in Habibie's government; a medal for his own wife, his stance on (the leadership conflict in) PDI (Indonesian Democratic Party) and the issuance of a decree on freedom of expression which limits people's rights to express their opinions.

I don't see any substantial difference between Habibie's government and Soeharto's. He has done many new things in the political and economic fields, but he has yet to do the maximum.

* Enok, a housewife in Bandung: I don't care about Habibie's leadership and his government because I'm busy taking care of my young children. What I think about is how I can make as much money as possible to cover my family's daily needs. I am very concerned that the government has failed to lower the prices of basic commodities and to defuse the crisis.

Who should lead the nation? Amien Rais is OK, Megawati Soekarnoputri is also OK. What's most important is that the government should not oppress wong cilik, the low-income people.

* Mulyana W. Kusumah, Criminologist and activist of the Independent Election Monitoring Committee (KIPP): We need real concepts and a strategy to overcome the crisis in the short term as well as in the long term.

In politics, Habibie has made progress in terms of giving the public more space, including freedom of speech, and he is open to critics but has yet to respond to them with necessary corrections. Critics remain repressed. People were confused when the government announced its regulation which regulated public demonstrations.

His concept of transparent political strategies is still being questioned. What kind of elections are we going to have in 1999? We need to arrange an electoral system and multiparty system which guarantees fair elections.

Besides the economic crisis, Habibie is also faced with numerous problems that require immediate solution, like the issues of East Timor, Irian Jaya and Aceh and the increasing demand for a thorough investigation into former president Soeharto's wealth and that of his family.

Habibie's government is weak since he has failed to win the people's hearts and international support.

* Goenawan Mohamad, senior journalist: Habibie still maintains Soeharto's pattern in some ways. Since the beginning, he has not focused on the crisis and he apparently doesn't have a sense of crisis.

Habibie was not shaped (for the presidency) by the real condition but was chosen by Soeharto because of his loyalty.

Habibie is smart but sometimes he won't listen to others.

* Sofyan Wanandi, chairman of the Gemala business group: Habibie and his ministers have so far been unable to show us their own economic improvement program to restore the domestic and foreign markets' confidence, but they only follow the dictation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The fact that the IMF continues disbursing its funds and several international agencies have added to the US$40 billion loan package arranged by the IMF does not indicate that Habibie has gained the support of the international community.

The IMF and the international agencies extended the funds to support the social safety net program.

* Ali Yafie, deputy chairman of the Indonesian Council of Ulemas (MUI): Habibie has done quite a lot. But of course 100 days is not enough to deal with such a big crisis, even angels couldn't do it. We can judge his approach (to solving the crisis) from his speeches, from when he was sworn in up to his recent state of the nation address.

Basically he upholds the Constitution. He has demonstrated openness. But people's judgment depend on many factors.

Do I consider that there has been consistency between what he preaches and what he practices? I see him as genuine. He does not flaunt (his intentions) like he's making them up.

Regarding the medal to his wife? Some see it in a rational way, some are apathetic or emotional (about it). I just see the medal as a tradition of the Aug. 17 (Independence Day) commemoration. Officially she may deserve the award. But if I were the president, I wouldn't award my wife or any other member of my family in such a short time, despite adequate reasons.

* Krisno T. Soekarno, head of retail at PT Lippo Securities: It would not be fair to rate or evaluate Habibie over his first 100 days. That would be like compiling a quarterly report for students. In my opinion, the idea is to give him a chance.

So far there are too many critics and ideas. It would be better if we just gave him time, at least until the general election he promised.

I do not agree with the critics who blame Habibie and his Cabinet for being unable to improve the situation in Indonesia.

In the meantime, the world economy is worsening. What can we do? What can the business world do? No matter who was president, he or she would face a tough time. It's not an easy time.

Habibie seems to be learning his job as president. He is still trying to get a grip on his Cabinet, though. He should learn more about Indonesia's complicated politics.

But I think he has good capabilities as a president. We know that he is well-educated. Internationally, he is also a good public relations officer.

We have seen the U.S. dollar weaken in recent days, automatically making the rupiah strengthen. I would say this shows that Indonesia is beginning to win international trust. But not full confidence. Many (foreigners) think, "OK, I trust him. He is not like his predecessor. Can he, however, deliver the promises stated in his speeches?"