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What people think of Habibie and expect from him now

What people think of Habibie and expect from him now

JAKARTA (JP): How do people evaluate President B.J. Habibie's
first 100 days in office? Politicians, researchers,
businesspeople and ordinary citizens share their views:

* Amien Rais, chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN):

In some aspects Habibie has taken encouraging steps such as
(attempts to give) freedom of the press and freedom of speech and
the release of a considerable number of political prisoners.

He also presents the image of a president, not a king; it's
easier to gain access to him. He's not afraid of meeting chief
editors. This should be noticed.

But it's not enough. That's why I've suggested that he make
three "big bangs" to gain the trust of the people and the market.

The first is to crack down on corruption, collusion and
nepotism. Second, he must demand that the Armed Forces (ABRI)
leadership immediately reveal those behind the May riots. Who
killed the students, who was behind the looting and rapes. He
must find the ABRI officers responsible for (the rights abuses
in) Aceh, Lampung and Tanjung Priok. This is very important.
Without the courage to pursue officers involved in those
violations, it would be difficult for him to gain people's trust.

Third, Habibie must shake off the shadow of (former president)
Soeharto. He must dare to investigate the wealth of Soeharto and
his family, and see that the investigation is legally processed.

So I strongly agree that Habibie's presidency is a
transitional one, because the People's Consultative Assembly
(MPR) which agreed to his presidency was a sham, a political
creature invented by Soeharto (and one) which should be
overhauled.

Whoever becomes the next president must have the moral courage
to reveal the corruption throughout Soeharto's era. In countries
like Thailand, South Korea or even Iran, new regimes would
cleanse the decay of the old ones. Otherwise, the new
administrations repeat the mistakes.

I think Habibie can lead Indonesia to the 1999 general
election and I hope he does. If he falls before that, his
successor will not have any legitimacy. And if it's that sham of
an MPR which makes him step down the result would also be a sham.
The people will come forward (against the new leader) and so will
I. Is Habibie only doing a cosmetic job (with his policies)? No,
it's because people want a big lunch and he's only giving us
salad.

I don't know (whether) he lacks independence from the military
but he has nothing to lose. Habibie became the highest commander
when he assumed the presidency (according to the Constitution),
so what should he fear? Maybe he hasn't got enough organizational
experience. He needs to be more courageous.

* Ichlasul Amal, political scientist/rector of Gadjah Mada
University in Yogyakarta:

As many have said, Habibie has basically done the right things
in economics and politics. But there are small things which could
trip him up.

There are also significant concerns; in politics the foremost
is about the next elections. If a draft of the election law is
submitted directly to the House of Representatives, people would
view this in a negative light because its members are the same
old people. The law should be discussed among all the new
parties.

I'm not an economist, but I wouldn't say that Habibie is not
serious in regards to the economy. What I feel is that there is a
lack of transparency, for instance about how much government
money is involved in saving problematic banks. This seems
insignificant but it needs to be cleared as it concerns public
funds. It's an economic matter but it is (a question of)
transparency.

We cannot say Habibie's government is the same as Soeharto's.
Whoever replaced Soeharto would surely have tried to rid its
administration of Soeharto's image. So Habibie was close to
Soeharto, but he would have to take a different stand. It would
be very hard for him to be accepted otherwise.

What we need is a democracy, and Habibie is not a military
figure nor is he charismatic. This is just right for the future
president; not too formal. For instance, in protocol matters he
is less restricted and that is what a modern president should be
like, he should be close to the people, and not become king-like.

* Dewi Fortuna Anwar, an assistant to Minister/State Secretary
Akbar Tandjung: Habibie's survival in his first 100 days should
be considered a miracle. What is more important is not his first
100 days but (how he handled the situation) during the
(political) crisis after May 17 (when Soeharto was still in
power) until he formed his Cabinet. There was the possibility
that if (the government) made a mistake in handling the crisis,
it would not have enjoyed a smooth landing but a crash.

Habibie is expected to succeed during this period of
transition until a democratic government is established.

Whoever became president would have had difficulty in trying
to overcome the crisis. It would take at least four to five years
to recover. About Habibie's chance in the next presidential
election: Habibie will be a strong contender, he might not be
everybody's first choice, but people don't necessarily have
strong emotions against him.

* Achmad Tirtosoediro, deputy chairman of the Supreme Advisory
Council and chairman of the Association of Indonesian Moslem
Intellectuals (ICMI): I have known Habibie for 25 years; he is
honest and sincere. He is ... open to criticism. As far as I know
he has no personal interest in being president, (he would stand
for reelection) only if people want him. During his 100 days as
president, Habibie made some changes for democratization.

First of all he has given more freedom of speech, released
political prisoners, made some economic policies in order to
provide people with food and has tried to stabilize the rupiah.

* Ananta, a student at private Pancasila University: He used
to be Soeharto's trusted aide, so it would be impossible for him
to do things differently from Soeharto as demanded by protesting
students: No more corruption, collusion and nepotism.

He gave his wife and brother the most prestigious medals at a
time when people cannot afford to buy food. I know he freed
political prisoners, (but) the most important matter is to
improve our ailing economy, solve the crisis, help people obtain
decent food.

* Suryanto, a photocopy shop employee: I wish Pak Habibie
would think about our problems. Everything is expensive now. A
kilogram of rice is now being sold for Rp 2,500. And that's low-
quality rice. Sugar, eggs, everything is expensive. How can we go
on living like this?

* Mochtar Pabottingi, a political scientist from the
Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI): Habibie should conduct a
thorough investigation (into Soeharto's wealth) and he's not
doing it. Corruption and collusion are still rampant in the
Habibie administration. He did start to restrict freedom of
association and planned to issue licenses to journalists.

He runs his administration in a similar way to Soeharto.

This can been seen by Habibie's reluctance to thoroughly
investigate Soeharto's wealth and the shooting of Trisakti
University students last May. This is similar to the New Order
administration when Soeharto's government declined to thoroughly
investigate the cases of (murdered labor activist) Marsinah and
(journalist) Muhammad Fuad Syafruddin.

But Habibie has also made corrections, especially in human
rights; he has launched an action plan for a national human
rights campaign and apologized for past military human rights
violations.

Habibie should show his goodwill to run a fair general
election in efforts to prepare a future democratic government.

Todung Mulya Lubis, corporate lawyer: Habibie's government is
still overshadowed by former president Soeharto. Habibie's
decision to release political prisoners, to campaign for human
rights and to allow a multiparty system are not new as they are
prerequisite for a democratic country.

No matter who was president, he would have to do the same.

Habibie's similarity to Soeharto is in their reluctance to
stop collusion, corruption and nepotism, and monopoly and
oligopoly within the economy.

This reluctance, which is against the reform spirit, will
bring negative impacts to his position as a president.

Habibie can save his reputation by replacing the current
authoritarian system and his men with a democratic one filled
with professionals. Otherwise Habibie will not win support from
the people if he wants to run for the presidency.

* Mgr. J. Hadiwikarta, secretary-general to the Conference of
Indonesian Bishops (KWI): There are many strange things in
Habibie's government; a medal for his own wife, his stance on
(the leadership conflict in) PDI (Indonesian Democratic Party)
and the issuance of a decree on freedom of expression which
limits people's rights to express their opinions.

I don't see any substantial difference between Habibie's
government and Soeharto's. He has done many new things in the
political and economic fields, but he has yet to do the maximum.

* Enok, a housewife in Bandung: I don't care about Habibie's
leadership and his government because I'm busy taking care of my
young children. What I think about is how I can make as much
money as possible to cover my family's daily needs. I am very
concerned that the government has failed to lower the prices of
basic commodities and to defuse the crisis.

Who should lead the nation? Amien Rais is OK, Megawati
Soekarnoputri is also OK. What's most important is that the
government should not oppress wong cilik, the low-income people.

* Mulyana W. Kusumah, Criminologist and activist of the
Independent Election Monitoring Committee (KIPP): We need real
concepts and a strategy to overcome the crisis in the short term
as well as in the long term.

In politics, Habibie has made progress in terms of giving the
public more space, including freedom of speech, and he is open to
critics but has yet to respond to them with necessary
corrections. Critics remain repressed. People were confused when
the government announced its regulation which regulated public
demonstrations.

His concept of transparent political strategies is still being
questioned. What kind of elections are we going to have in 1999?
We need to arrange an electoral system and multiparty system
which guarantees fair elections.

Besides the economic crisis, Habibie is also faced with
numerous problems that require immediate solution, like the
issues of East Timor, Irian Jaya and Aceh and the increasing
demand for a thorough investigation into former president
Soeharto's wealth and that of his family.

Habibie's government is weak since he has failed to win the
people's hearts and international support.

* Goenawan Mohamad, senior journalist: Habibie still maintains
Soeharto's pattern in some ways. Since the beginning, he has not
focused on the crisis and he apparently doesn't have a sense of
crisis.

Habibie was not shaped (for the presidency) by the real
condition but was chosen by Soeharto because of his loyalty.

Habibie is smart but sometimes he won't listen to others.

* Sofyan Wanandi, chairman of the Gemala business group:
Habibie and his ministers have so far been unable to show us
their own economic improvement program to restore the domestic
and foreign markets' confidence, but they only follow the
dictation of the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

The fact that the IMF continues disbursing its funds and
several international agencies have added to the US$40 billion
loan package arranged by the IMF does not indicate that Habibie
has gained the support of the international community.

The IMF and the international agencies extended the funds to
support the social safety net program.

* Ali Yafie, deputy chairman of the Indonesian Council of
Ulemas (MUI): Habibie has done quite a lot. But of course 100
days is not enough to deal with such a big crisis, even angels
couldn't do it. We can judge his approach (to solving the
crisis) from his speeches, from when he was sworn in up to his
recent state of the nation address.

Basically he upholds the Constitution. He has demonstrated
openness. But people's judgment depend on many factors.

Do I consider that there has been consistency between what he
preaches and what he practices? I see him as genuine. He does not
flaunt (his intentions) like he's making them up.

Regarding the medal to his wife? Some see it in a rational
way, some are apathetic or emotional (about it). I just see the
medal as a tradition of the Aug. 17 (Independence Day)
commemoration. Officially she may deserve the award. But if I
were the president, I wouldn't award my wife or any other member
of my family in such a short time, despite adequate reasons.

* Krisno T. Soekarno, head of retail at PT Lippo Securities:
It would not be fair to rate or evaluate Habibie over his first
100 days. That would be like compiling a quarterly report for
students. In my opinion, the idea is to give him a chance.

So far there are too many critics and ideas. It would be
better if we just gave him time, at least until the general
election he promised.

I do not agree with the critics who blame Habibie and his
Cabinet for being unable to improve the situation in Indonesia.

In the meantime, the world economy is worsening. What can we
do? What can the business world do? No matter who was president,
he or she would face a tough time. It's not an easy time.

Habibie seems to be learning his job as president.
He is still trying to get a grip on his Cabinet, though. He
should learn more about Indonesia's complicated politics.

But I think he has good capabilities as a president. We know
that he is well-educated. Internationally, he is also a good
public relations officer.

We have seen the U.S. dollar weaken in recent days,
automatically making the rupiah strengthen. I would say this
shows that Indonesia is beginning to win international trust. But
not full confidence. Many (foreigners) think, "OK, I trust him.
He is not like his predecessor. Can he, however, deliver the
promises stated in his speeches?"

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