U.S. priorities in Asia transformed since Sept. 11

U.S. priorities in Asia transformed since Sept. 11

Raju Gopalakrishnan, Reuters, Zamboanga, Philippines

U.S. priorities in Asia have been transformed since Washington revamped its foreign policy objectives after Sept. 11. The complexities of most bilateral relationships gave way to the imperative of the war on terror.

U.S. money and equipment are flowing in for the favored, and Asian leaders earlier deemed unacceptable or not important enough are being feted. Senior envoys from Washington make regular trips to the region, reversing a slowdown after the 1997/98 financial crisis took Asia off the radar screens of U.S. policy-makers.

But not all relationships in Asia have improved. Communist North Korea is still deemed evil, as President George W. Bush repeated on Wednesday.

And the question mark over ties with China never went away, despite a brief period of bonhomie in the immediate aftermath of Sept. 11.

"American unilateralism has clearly re-established itself since the Taliban fell," said Beijing Foreign Studies University professor Mei Renyi, referring to fresh U.S. overtures to Taiwan and renewed criticism of Beijing over human rights since the fall of the Taliban in Afghanistan.

"I'm not that optimistic about the current direction of ties."

Analysts say the United States now has two overriding strategic objectives -- countering terrorism, mostly of the Islamic radical variety, and making sure China does not pose a threat in the future. In some parts of Asia, both objectives are being met at the same time.

Some of the most dramatic policy initiatives have been taken in the Philippines, an old ally of Washington which had fallen more or less by the wayside after it threw out the U.S. military from bases in the country in 1992.

Hundreds of U.S. troops are in the Philippines now, many of them to help train the local military in fighting the Muslim guerrillas who plague the south.

Washington has linked one guerrilla group to Osama bin Laden, accused of masterminding the Sept. 11 attacks on Washington and New York, and the deployment represents the biggest movement of U.S. troops overseas after Afghanistan. But the Philippines is also on the doorstep of the Chinese mainland and is an important stopping-off point for the U.S. Pacific Command based in Hawaii.

The United States always needed to engage India after it exploded a nuclear device in 1998, matched within days by arch- rival Pakistan. Sanctions were imposed on both nations for proliferation, but these were eased post-Sept. 11.

"A growing U.S. policy is to engage with countries which have unresolved disputes with China to contain China," said Bharat Karnad, strategic affairs expert with the Centre for Policy Research in New Delhi.

"You can have all of Southeast Asia and the Far East, but they lack the substance. Not that India can take on China singly, but it has a lot of the power characteristics that China has -- size, muscle, human resources and a good strategic location."

In Pakistan, the United States staged its most visible turnaround of policy as the support of Gen. Pervez Musharraf was crucial for the war in Afghanistan. From a pariah, Musharraf became a hero overnight as he backed U.S. initiatives.

"It was pure expediency. Pakistan's geographical position made it a key player in U.S. military operations, and it still is," said Samina Ahmed of the International Crisis Group, a Brussels- based think tank.

In recent weeks, Washington has offered only the very mildest of criticism to Musharraf's bid to keep power for five more years through an April 30 referendum opposed by Pakistan's main political parties and much of the establishment as unconstitutional.

The implicit support is virtually a scene-by-scene repeat of the 1980s, when Pakistan's then military ruler, general Zia ul- Haq, was Washington's darling as he backed efforts to overthrow the Soviets in Afghanistan.

"One of the criticisms of America during the Cold War years was that we would make a deal with the devil in order to defeat communism," said former U.S. Ambassador John Mallot.

"In order to combat terrorism after September 11, we are ready to hold our noses again and meet people who abhor and step on every principle the United States has believed in for the past 200 years."

Mallot was referring particularly to Malaysia, where he was ambassador until 1998. He is a strong critic of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who drew U.S. ire for the trials and subsequent jailing of his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim.

James A. Kelly, assistant secretary of state, said after a visit to Kuala Lumpur this week that Muslim-majority Malaysia was a beacon of stability in the region. No mention was made of Anwar and Mahathir is scheduled to visit the United States in May.

Neighboring Indonesia, with the world's largest Muslim population, is also slowly making its way back into Washington's good books although a suspension of military aid remains after Jakarta was charged with rights abuses during the 1999 East Timor independence struggle.

Adam Ward, research fellow for Asia at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, said while the war on terrorism had changed U.S. imperatives in many nations, the attitude to larger ones like China and India were consistent.