Towards a Post-Reform Era
Prabowo Subianto’s focus in his book Paradoks Indonesia dan Solusinya (2022) has identified the main problems and the current focus of solutions. Therefore, the President should again set the nation’s direction with the ‘Path of Our Revolution’ or the ‘Trilogy of Development’, which at the time were believed to be the solutions to the country’s problems in the future.
Reform Mandates: The reform era has six mandates that, in general, have been pursued by the country’s leaders. However, only the constitutional amendments have been realised, which, according to Jimly Asshidiqie, have changed three hundred per cent of the constitutional content, so we live under a new constitutional order. The remainder of the reform mandates’ implementation has experienced ups and downs to this day.
Currently, according to Vedi R. Hariz in the Kompas daily (23 May 2025), the economics and politics of reform have ended. The government, at least since the mid-Joko Widodo era, has designed a political framework that has become increasingly ‘command’-like. Civil supremacy is set aside with the return of the military apparatus to ministerial elements, state-owned enterprises (BUMN) and other state bodies as well as activities at local community levels such as the Koperasi Merah Putih.
Amandates of reform such as Adili Soeharto and Berantas KKN are agendas that, while pursued, have not yet produced adequate results or settlements to date. Furthermore, the supremacy of law and regional autonomy remain heavily dependent on the apparatus and political will of the central government itself.
Meanwhile, the dual-function ABRI has been openly implemented and is further complemented by the dual-function of Polri in strategic government agendas and positions today.
Therefore, if the government is serious, more serious steps are required to ensure the reform mandates can be implemented as they should be. Moreover, if necessary, the fifth amendment to the Constitution could be a solution to all efforts because the regulations enacted so far have proved insufficient to resolve these reform mandates.
The Paradoks Indonesia Solution: Prabowonomics places two challenges and solutions that become the focus. Generally, the role of the state in an active form or the state capitalism model of China is more highly regarded than neo-liberalism and democracy as in the United States, which is seen as a national problem.
Thus, the first solution offered is a constitution-based economy grounded in Article 33 of the 1945 Constitution: central role of BUMN and Cooperatives and control of key state sectors. The second is democracy based on deliberation and consensus rather than Western-style democracy, which is expensive and can be bought.
A reflection of these ideas is, in part, already being pursued by current government policy. However, media scrutiny such as The Economist, which regards the President as too extravagant and autocratic, should be responded to wisely and constructively in line with the President’s convictions.
Because it is possible that a development model that calls for activity in Asia, like China, Japan and Korea with State Developmentalism, and Saudi Arabia with Saudi Vision 2030, may be more suitable for Indonesia’s development. The government’s true aspirations are already depicted in Asta Cita. The government should not focus too much on budgets and sweeping policies like MBG, for Indonesia’s destiny is not merely to be a food provider but a welfare state.
The lifeblood of the economic constitution should be realised through a people-centric economy that gives access and places the Indonesian people at the centre of the nation’s development.
If reform mandates have not yet drawn the government’s attention, a new Indonesian narrative should be introduced that can form part of realising Indonesia’s Golden Vision 2045 for the future and the continuity of the Republic.
Rico Novianto Hafidz. Researcher, HTN Study Centre, FHUI. (rdp/imk)