The role of ASEAN from China's perspective
The role of ASEAN from China's perspective
By Wang Hailiang
ASEAN is an important factor in the Asia-Pacific balance and how it uses its weight matters.
SINGAPORE: The past 30 years have proved that ASEAN's successes are not confined to the subregion of Southeast Asia itself. With the "ASEAN Spirit" and the "ASEAN Way", the regional grouping has not only paved the way for peaceful development in Southeast Asia but has also provided the Asia-Pacific with the mechanisms and conditions for achieving stability and prosperity. And it has contributed in deed as well as ideas to Asia-Pacific security by playing the leading role in the ARF.
ASEAN is a modern regional community of nation-states seeking to integrate into the global village, hence its value is much higher than simple and pure regionalism. It is this aspect of ASEAN that is a model for countries that have recently started opening up to the outside world. China is one of these countries.
Besides its aforementioned role as a model, ASEAN is an important factor in the Asia-Pacific balance. The Asia-Pacific major powers -- China, U.S. and Japan -- are in an unstable triangular relationship that can show a certain degree of imbalance of power.
ASEAN, with its bargaining clout and soft power, plays the role of keeping the needed balance so that the grand triangle will be stable.
Evidently, should this weight be placed improperly, the Asia- Pacific balance of power would be slanted or even overturned, menacing the stability and security of the region.
Aware of its subtle relationships with the major powers, ASEAN is now playing the game well in the regional strategic structure to the effect of providing an equilibrium.
With ASEAN in the center of the arena, an international order for the region is now taking shape. In this new order, the U.S. assumes clearly the superior status.
China as well as ASEAN recognizes the positive role of the American military presence in East Asia. In China's view, however, the U.S.-Japan security treaty should not be a stepping stone for Japan to be rearmed into a military power, something rejected even by the Japanese people. The treaty should also not be directed against China.
It is only natural for China to warn against specifying the Taiwan Straits in the geographical scope of the U.S.-Japan defense alliance for such a move is sure to cause tension and insecurity.
It is significant that ASEAN diplomats have shown their concern on the matter. This indicates that if China is endangered by the U.S. and Japan, its immediate neighbors like the ASEAN states will not be as secure as they are now.
Of course, ASEAN, out of geostrategic consideration, worries about the rising power of China. This worry partly relates to ASEAN's desire for the continuation of the U.S. military presence.
Some argue that the biggest threat to the Asia-Pacific comes from China and the way to deal with the threat is to contain China. But would not a containment strategy take us back to the Cold War era? A misunderstood and isolated China is not needed in this era of cooperation and comprehensive security.
Strategically speaking, if ASEAN considers the current level of U.S. military presence plus Japan's economic assistance sufficient to keep stability and balance of power and holds its own weight in reserve instead of placing it on the U.S.-Japan side, then China will have more confidence in ASEAN.
Some would say that a China that keeps rising in power will intimidate its neighbors.
But this need not be so. Since Japan and ASEAN have mostly erased the bitter memories between them of the past and Vietnam was admitted into ASEAN despite historical animosities, why should not China and ASEAN get rid of suspicions and misgivings of the past?
As for the Spratlys and the South China Sea, the prospects are not necessarily so pessimistic as predicted by some analysts, though it will take time and effort. All parties concerned have interest in a peaceful solution.
The claimant states have to realize that security is the first priority for all of them even though sovereignty, territory and economic gains are very important to each of them.
So long as they care for mutual security, respect the interests of their partners and keep talking, there will be progress. After confidence is built up among the claimants, multilateral discussions will not be as difficult as they are now.
There are good grounds to believe that ASEAN and China will develop more confidence in each other.
First, ASEAN and China have security dialogues which prepare the conditions for long-term security consensus and relations.
Second, China needs a peaceful environment for its economic development that will take a long time to reach the desirable level.
Third, China is stepping up reform and opening up to the outside world.
As China integrates with the global community, it will abide by more and more international rules, resorting to legal and peaceful means for solutions to disputes with other countries as long as it is not "contained" or bullied.
Fourth, culturally speaking, China shares values with the nations in Southeast Asia. This means they can stand on the same ground against western pressures concerning, for instance, human rights.
Last but not the least, geoeconomically and geopolitically, China and ASEAN need each other for solving common problems such as the environment, translational crime, illegal immigration and financial crises. These problems affect regional security and require wide cooperation.
Dr. Wang Hailiang is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore and Associate Professor at the Institute of Asian and Pacific Studies of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences.