The role of ASEAN from China's perspective
The role of ASEAN from China's perspective
By Wang Hailiang
ASEAN is an important factor in the Asia-Pacific balance and
how it uses its weight matters.
SINGAPORE: The past 30 years have proved that ASEAN's
successes are not confined to the subregion of Southeast Asia
itself. With the "ASEAN Spirit" and the "ASEAN Way", the regional
grouping has not only paved the way for peaceful development in
Southeast Asia but has also provided the Asia-Pacific with the
mechanisms and conditions for achieving stability and prosperity.
And it has contributed in deed as well as ideas to Asia-Pacific
security by playing the leading role in the ARF.
ASEAN is a modern regional community of nation-states seeking
to integrate into the global village, hence its value is much
higher than simple and pure regionalism. It is this aspect of
ASEAN that is a model for countries that have recently started
opening up to the outside world. China is one of these countries.
Besides its aforementioned role as a model, ASEAN is an
important factor in the Asia-Pacific balance. The Asia-Pacific
major powers -- China, U.S. and Japan -- are in an unstable
triangular relationship that can show a certain degree of
imbalance of power.
ASEAN, with its bargaining clout and soft power, plays the
role of keeping the needed balance so that the grand triangle
will be stable.
Evidently, should this weight be placed improperly, the Asia-
Pacific balance of power would be slanted or even overturned,
menacing the stability and security of the region.
Aware of its subtle relationships with the major powers, ASEAN
is now playing the game well in the regional strategic structure
to the effect of providing an equilibrium.
With ASEAN in the center of the arena, an international order
for the region is now taking shape. In this new order, the U.S.
assumes clearly the superior status.
China as well as ASEAN recognizes the positive role of the
American military presence in East Asia. In China's view,
however, the U.S.-Japan security treaty should not be a stepping
stone for Japan to be rearmed into a military power, something
rejected even by the Japanese people. The treaty should also not
be directed against China.
It is only natural for China to warn against specifying the
Taiwan Straits in the geographical scope of the U.S.-Japan
defense alliance for such a move is sure to cause tension and
insecurity.
It is significant that ASEAN diplomats have shown their
concern on the matter. This indicates that if China is endangered
by the U.S. and Japan, its immediate neighbors like the ASEAN
states will not be as secure as they are now.
Of course, ASEAN, out of geostrategic consideration, worries
about the rising power of China. This worry partly relates to
ASEAN's desire for the continuation of the U.S. military
presence.
Some argue that the biggest threat to the Asia-Pacific comes
from China and the way to deal with the threat is to contain
China. But would not a containment strategy take us back to the
Cold War era? A misunderstood and isolated China is not needed in
this era of cooperation and comprehensive security.
Strategically speaking, if ASEAN considers the current level
of U.S. military presence plus Japan's economic assistance
sufficient to keep stability and balance of power and holds its
own weight in reserve instead of placing it on the U.S.-Japan
side, then China will have more confidence in ASEAN.
Some would say that a China that keeps rising in power will
intimidate its neighbors.
But this need not be so. Since Japan and ASEAN have mostly
erased the bitter memories between them of the past and Vietnam
was admitted into ASEAN despite historical animosities, why
should not China and ASEAN get rid of suspicions and misgivings
of the past?
As for the Spratlys and the South China Sea, the prospects are
not necessarily so pessimistic as predicted by some analysts,
though it will take time and effort. All parties concerned have
interest in a peaceful solution.
The claimant states have to realize that security is the first
priority for all of them even though sovereignty, territory and
economic gains are very important to each of them.
So long as they care for mutual security, respect the
interests of their partners and keep talking, there will be
progress. After confidence is built up among the claimants,
multilateral discussions will not be as difficult as they are
now.
There are good grounds to believe that ASEAN and China will
develop more confidence in each other.
First, ASEAN and China have security dialogues which prepare
the conditions for long-term security consensus and relations.
Second, China needs a peaceful environment for its economic
development that will take a long time to reach the desirable
level.
Third, China is stepping up reform and opening up to the
outside world.
As China integrates with the global community, it will abide
by more and more international rules, resorting to legal and
peaceful means for solutions to disputes with other countries as
long as it is not "contained" or bullied.
Fourth, culturally speaking, China shares values with the
nations in Southeast Asia. This means they can stand on the same
ground against western pressures concerning, for instance, human
rights.
Last but not the least, geoeconomically and geopolitically,
China and ASEAN need each other for solving common problems such
as the environment, translational crime, illegal immigration and
financial crises. These problems affect regional security and
require wide cooperation.
Dr. Wang Hailiang is a Visiting Fellow at the Institute of
Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore and Associate Professor at the
Institute of Asian and Pacific Studies of the Shanghai Academy of
Social Sciences.