The debate on which political parties can field candidates in the
The debate on which political parties can field candidates in the
2004 presidential election may soon come to an end as most
factions in the House have suggested that parties winning three
percent of the seats in the House should be able to join the
race.
All factions except Golkar have reached a common understanding
that more parties should participate in the elections in 2004,
when the country is expected to organize the first ever direct
presidential election.
Golkar, which served as the political vehicle of former
president Soeharto for more than three decades, insisted that
only parties that garnered at least 20 percent of the votes in
the House, as proposed by the government, should be allowed to
contest the presidential election.
The factions also agreed that the legislative and presidential
elections be held separately, but have still to decide on the
interval between the two elections.
"We have not agreed on whether the presidential election will
be held three months, two months or one month after the
legislative election," said Barlianta Harahap, chairman of the
United Development Party (PPP) faction here on Wednesday.
The General Elections Commission (KPU) had scheduled the
legislative election for April 5, 2004, and the presidential
election between June and August.
Previously, the PDI Perjuangan and Golkar factions supported
the government's idea of adopting a 20 percent threshold.
The PDI Perjuangan and Golkar, which collected 153 and 120
seats respectively in the 1999 elections, were the only two
parties that met the 20 percent quota.
The smaller factions rejected the stipulation and tried to
block it by demanding that the elections for the president and
legislative members be held simultaneously to avoid the
threshold.
Minister of Home Affairs Hari Sabarno had repeatedly said that
the stipulation allowing only those political parties winning at
least 20 percent of the seats in the House was designed to ensure
that the elected president had sufficient support in the
legislature.
This, the minister said, would ensure a stable government in
order to lead the country out of the current economic crisis.
With the acceptance by the factions of separate elections, it
is likely that the three percent threshold will be accepted.
Effendi Choirie of the National Awakening Party (PKB) revealed
that most factions had agreed to adopt a three percent threshold
for political parties in nominating presidential candidates.
Choirie emphasized, however, that the factions could not reach
a consensus on the requirements for a figure to be nominated as a
president candidate.
The Golkar and Reform factions insisted that a presidential
candidate must have at least a university degree, but PDI
Perjuangan rejected the clause, apparently because its chairwoman
Megawati has only a senior high school certificate.
The PDI Perjuangan faction meanwhile defended a clause that a
criminal suspect, let alone a person convicted of a crime, must
not be allowed to contest the election.
Golkar, headed by veteran politician Akbar Tandjung, who had
been sentenced to three years in jail for corruption, rejected
the clause.
"Basically, all factions are negotiating with each other to
settle the arguments," Barlianta told The Jakarta Post on
Wednesday.
Faction leaders had conducted negotiations twice at the
Horison Hotel and Hilton Hotel in Jakarta. The negotiation
settled some contentious issues, but others remain unsolved.
Barlianta said the leaders of political parties would
intervene should faction leaders fail to settle the problems.
He added that the legislators hoped to bring the presidential
election bill to a plenary session on July 7 for endorsement.
2. PKB (2 X 21)
Yusril to settle dispute
between PKB factions
With the judicial process in the long-standing dispute between
the two camps in the National Awakening Party (PKB) still
dragging on, the final say now lies with the Minister of Justice
and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra.
Both the warring parties came to Yusril in a bid to block each
other's path to winning the right to contest next year's general
election.
Alwi Shihab, who chairs the PKB loyal to former president
Abdurrahman Wahid, led a top-notch delegation that included
deputy chairmen Mahfud MD, Muhaimin Iskandar, AS Hikam and
secretary-general Syaifullah Yusuf.
They submitted a number of documents required by the ministry
to contest the 2004 election.
About an hour earlier, lawyers representing the PKB splinter
group under Matori Abdul Djalil met Yusril to file an objection
against the Alwi camp, who had registered their political
grouping under the PKB name.
Alamsyah Hanafiah, who led the team of lawyers, said his
clients demanded that the ministry disqualify Alwi's PKB as the
court verdict over the conflict was not final yet. The Supreme
Court has ruled in favor of the PKB under Alwi, upholding the
decision of the Jakarta High Court which ruled that Matori was
acting unlawfully in using the party's name, logo and anthem.
However, the verdict did not immediately settle the dispute as
the court did not rule on which verdict should be used as Alwi's
PKB is currently appealing to the Supreme Court in a different
lawsuit over the same case. This lawsuit was also won by Matori.
The ministry's Director of Public Legal Administration,
Zulkarnaen Yusuf said his office had not yet decided which camp
was eligible to contest the election under the PKB banner.
"We'll hold a meeting on this issue on Thursday because we
have yet to receive the verdict of the Supreme Court," he said.
Alwi said that he understood the ministry's decision. However,
he said he still wanted the ministry to comply with the Supreme
Court verdict.
"We have given every opportunity to Pak Matori. We have
offered to make peace. We even agreed to give him a top post in
the PKB but he rejected us every time. Instead, he insisted on
continuing the legal fight," he remarked.
Alwi said his party would remain open to Matori should he want
to rejoin Alwi's PKB.
Yusril promised to settle the case as fairly as possible.
"Both parties have called me. I assure them that we will be
fair in settling the case," he said.
Yusril said that his office would comply with the Supreme
Court verdict despite a possible legal challenge against it.
"A Supreme Court verdict must be executed despite any
challenge from one of the conflicted parties," he said.
The dispute has dragged on following the dismissal of Matori
as PKB chairman in 2001 by PKB chief patron Abdurrahman Wahid
after the former attended the Special Session of the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 2001, which led to Gus Dur's
removal as president.
Matori later set up another party with the same name.
3. KONSTI (1 X 50)
Experts urge enactment of constitutional court bill
Legal experts urged legislators and the government on Wednesday
to finish the deliberation of the constitutional court bill soon
and to establish the court before the Aug. 17, 2003 deadline set
by the 1945 Constitution.
Solly Lubis, an expert from North Sumatra University (USU),
suggested that the government take the spirit and optimism of the
legislators into account.
"The constitutional court will be the key to our commitment in
law enforcement. The deliberation must go ahead," Solly told The
Jakarta Post after a hearing on Wednesday with the House
committee in charge of the bill's deliberation.
Firmansyah Arifin of the National Consortium for Legal Reform
(KRHN) said the government's demand for revisions to the
transitional provisions of the Constitution showed its reluctance
to finish the deliberation.
Both experts were responding to a statement by Minister of
Justice and Human Rights Yusril Ihza Mahendra, who suggested the
People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) to amend transitional
provisions in the Constitution to delay the establishment of the
constitutional court.
The formation of the court was mandated last year in the
amended 1945 Constitution to handle constitutional disputes.
The transitional provisions also stipulate that until the
court's establishment, the Supreme Court would be vested with
this authority.
Yusril said the government doubted the lawmakers would be able
to finish within the set timeframe, so he preferred that the
transitional provisions be amended in order to extend the time of
deliberation.
Although the idea might be logical, Firmansyah said it would
only add to the burdens of the Supreme Court, which has about
17,000 backlog cases at present.
"The House must optimize its deliberation process and finish
the bill as scheduled," he said.
Legislator Baharuddin Aritonang of the Golkar faction, who was
a member of the ad hoc committee in charge of constitutional
amendment last year, regretted the government's discouraging
response.
He said revisions to the transitional provisions could revive
the classical debate on the amendment to the constitution.
"This may lead to demands for revisions of other articles in
the Constitution," he said, referring to those groups who
rejected the constitutional amendment last year.
Aritonang suggested that the lawmakers work during their
recess between July 8 and Aug. 18 to meet the deadline for the
establishment of the constitutional court.
The House will have to pass the bill long before the Aug. 17
deadline to give ample time for the President to endorse it, the
related institutions to select judges and the head of state to
install them.
The bill stipulates that the court is to have nine judges,
with the President, the House and the Supreme Court to choose
three judges each.
At the hearing presided over by Zainal Arifin of the
Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), Solly
emphasized the necessity for separating the judicial role of the
constitutional court from the political role of the Assembly
regarding impeachment.
Solly was referring to the authority of the constitutional
court to assess any alleged misconduct or abuse of power by the
President.
4. BOMB (1 X 45)
Mukhlas refuses to testify against Samudra
Prosecutors in the trial of the alleged mastermind of the Bali
bombing, Imam Samudra, lost a chance of securing more
incriminating evidence on Wednesday after witness Ali Gufron
alias Mukhlas refused to testify against the defendant.
Mukhlas, who marked his entry to the court room with an
exchange of yells praising God with the defendant, flatly
rejected presiding judge I Nyoman Sugawa's request for him to
take an oath, the normal process for a witness before giving
testimony.
While the judge and Mukhlas were debating the procedure, the
defendant's chief lawyer Qadhar Faisal intervened, defending the
witness's arguments. Qadhar said that according to Article 168 of
the Criminal Code, Mukhlas was under no legal obligation to take
an oath nor to testify.
Article 168 states that any person who is a blood relation of
the defendant or is being prosecuted in the same case as the
defendant, has the legal right not to testify against the
defendant.
Mukhlas is also standing trial for his alleged role in last
October's bomb attack on Bali, which left 202 people dead, mostly
foreign tourists.
Like Samudra, Mukhlas is being charged with planning and
organizing the bombings, a crime that carries the death penalty
under the new antiterrorism law.
A legal battle ensued that, curiously, pitted the lawyers
against the judges, instead of against the prosecutors. Judge
Sugawa countered the lawyers' move by citing the Supreme Court's
decision dated March 21, 1990, to admit exceptions to Article
168.
However, the lawyers, quoting Supreme Court Practice Direction
No. 1174/1994, insisted on keeping Mukhlas from testifying.
"We reject the lawyers' objections. Therefore, the witness is
instructed to take the oath and present his testimony," Sugawa
said.
Mukhlas was adamant, and when Sugawa repeated his order, the
witness simply shook his head and said "No!".
Previously, Mukhlas had also refused to testify against his
younger brother, Amrozi. Mukhlas was among eight witnesses
summoned to the trial on Wednesday.
Chief prosecutor I Nyoman Dila later intervened, asking the
judges to admit Mukhlas' police interrogation file as evidence in
place of oral testimony.
The judges accepted the prosecution suggestion and asked Dila
to read the summary of the file before the court.
In the file, Mukhlas admitted that the idea to carry out the
bombings came from Samudra. The defendant also ordered Amrozi to
purchase explosives, Mukhlas to provide the funds and appointed
himself the field coordinator for the bomb attacks.
Earlier in the day, the lead prosecutor in the Mukhlas trial,
Banjar Nahor, demanded that the trial continue despite the
defendant's attempt to retract the statement he had given to
police.
Claiming that he had been under severe physical and
psychological duress during the interrogation, Mukhlas retracted
his statement in Monday's session.
Referring to the alleged duress, Banjar Nahor stated that as
it took place in an area outside the Bali Police headquarters so
it could not considered to have taken place as part of the formal
investigation.
"The defendant was always accompanied by his lawyers during
the interrogation, so the file was compiled in a way that was in
accordance with the law," Nahor told the court.
The court will present its ruling on the matter next Monday.
5. UU10 (2 X 20)
House plans to revise
population, welfare law
The House of Representative (DPR) Commission VII on Health and
Population plans to revise the law No. 10/1992 on population
growth and welfare family development.
Several main reasons was considered on the amendment plan.
Chairman of the commission, Posma Tobing, told The Jakarta Post
the main reason was that the recent law no longer fit with the
new decentralization system implemented in the country.
"The law No. 10/1992 was drafted when the centralization
system was there, so most policies are using the centralized
approach," he said.
After the implementation of regional autonomy, with such
approach, according to Posma, the chance for a regional
administration to ignore the population issue became very high.
He gave an example of the role of the National Family Planning
Coordinating Agency (BKKBN) at the regional level which now
reduced as their program was once set centralized.
"However, the new law on the population issue should not
oppose the autonomy system," said Posma. Population is a national
issue and should become concern of every regional administration
in the country.
Other reasons mentioned was that the recent law has also not
yet covering the new global issues, like gender issue, male
participation, reproduction rights and infertility.
"Our country is committed with several recommendations on
global issue from international forums on population, like the
International Conference on Population and Development in Cairo
1994 and the Millenium Development Summit in New York 2000," said
Posma.
The absence of a focused institution and officer who should be
responsible with the population and family planning issue was
also considered as the lack of the recent law.
The draft will be formulated by several experts on the
population issues, like the deputy of Family Planning and
Reproduction Health BKKBN Siswanto Agus Wilopo, chairperson of
the Demographic Foundation Srihariati Hatmadji.
Also chairman of the Medical Legal Committee, Indonesian
Doctors Association (IDI) Herkutanto and vice president of the
Center of Population Study and Policy Sukamdi.
In the meantime, while waiting for the revision, the
Commission VII expected the awareness of the regional top
officers on the importance of the issue.
"We are no longer able to have any law enforcement, except
later if the law revised," said Posma, on behalf of the
commission, "But since it is a national issue, so all region
participation is highly expected".
According to the executive secretary to the Indonesian Forum
of Parliamentarians on Population and Development (IFPPD)
Ermalena, population issue should be center of a country's
development.
"Population issue relates with many other factors, like
economy, health, education as well as environment," she said. As
an example, she said the recent haze problem was also related to
the environment issue.
Indonesia is now ranked as the 110th country on the quality of
life, which considered by three main factors: education, health
and family finance.