Surau as a Base for Reform and Ulama Struggle in Minangkabau

For the Minangkabau ethnic group, the surau is an inseparable religious symbol. It is not merely a place of worship but also a cultural symbol, providing an Islamic identity for the Minangkabau people. According to Gazalba (1983: 10), the surau is a building inherited from the local community’s culture before the arrival of Islam. Therefore, surau names in Minangkabau rarely use Arabic, with examples including Surau Sikumbang, Surau Jambak, and Surau Simaung. Over time, the surau evolved with Islam as a reformation in the community’s belief system occurred.

As a cultural symbol, the surau’s existence is often attached to clans, tribes, villages, and local natural conditions. In its later development, a clear separation emerged between the functions of the surau and the mosque. The surau has a broader function compared to the mosque, a concept based on its utilisation by the community. The surau relates to religious and cultural symbols and other worldly activities, whereas the mosque, in a narrow sense, is often used as a place for routine worship, such as the five daily prayers. Consequently, the surau eventually became a very important institution for the Minangkabau community.

Historically, the surau in Minangkabau was a base for reform and struggle. Typically, a reform-based surau was a place for the transfer of knowledge from teacher to student. In this regard, the surau is linked to educational activities. Surau education in Minangkabau began to thrive since Syekh Burhanuddin established his surau in Ulakan, Pariaman, in 1680 (Daya, 1990: 79).

However, the surau as a base for reform that is often discussed in history began with the return of three Hajj pilgrims from Mecca: Haji Miskin, Haji Piobang, and Haji Sumanik. Their arrival occurred in 1803. The most famous among them was Haji Miskin. He began developing his religious outreach in Pandai Sikek, a village located at the foot of Mount Singgalang (Dobbin, 2008: 206).

Haji Miskin’s choice to move to Pandai Sikek was not without reason. The area was a busy vegetable market frequented by traders from various regions. Money circulated quickly there; cockfighting, gambling, drinking palm wine, and smoking opium were entrenched habits among the people. Brawls and even murders often occurred in the Pandai Sikek market. Although Haji Miskin preached tirelessly about what is halal and haram according to Islamic law, the reality on the ground was that they continued to commit sinful acts, tending to indulge their lusts.

To demonstrate his seriousness in combating these social ills, Haji Miskin eventually burned down the Pandai Sikek customary hall after losing a fight at the market. He and his followers fled to Koto Laweh, a village adjacent to Pandai Sikek. In Koto Laweh, Haji Miskin was received by Tuanku Mansiang, a respected ulama at the time. Tuanku Mansiang was a student of Syekh Burhanuddin from the Shattariyah order in Ulakan, Pariaman. Afterwards, Haji Miskin sought protection from Tuanku Nan Renceh in the Kamang area, who was a student of Tuanku Nan Tuo, based in a surau in the Koto Tuo area.

Before Haji Miskin’s arrival from Mecca, the Koto Tuo area had experienced problems similar to those in Pandai Sikek. Gambling, drinking palm wine, smoking opium, and brawls between traders often occurred in the Koto Tuo market. Regarding this matter, the council of chieftains was appointed to resolve it. On the other hand, the chieftains were also often involved in corruption when determining punishments for the perpetrators. Meanwhile, the Dutch themselves were unconcerned with the problem, as it brought them profit.

At that time, the surau was considered the right alternative to handle the incidents occurring in society. The choice fell on the surau because the community still trusted the ulama as neutral leaders in dealing with every problem that arose. Following this success, surau in the Agam region were often used as courtrooms to resolve various community issues. In this context, the surau began to become the community’s trusted place to seek justice. This shift was a reform in response to the public’s discomfort in dealing with the council of chieftains.

The surau as a base for reform continued into the early 20th century. In fact, surau education progressed rapidly after the return of students of Syekh Ahmad Khatib Al Minangkabawi from Mecca. One of the most popular surau at that time was the Surau Jembatan Besi in Padang Panjang. This surau was the origin of the Sumatera Thawalib school in Padang Panjang, and religious studies at Surau Jembatan Besi had been running before 1900, with its first teacher being Syekh Abdullah Ahmad. He and Haji Rasul began teaching at this surau around 1904 (Datuk Palimokayo, 1970: 5).

A Dutch researcher who conducted research on surau was Verkerk Pistorius, who concentrated on the Surau Jembatan Besi in Silungkang, now part of the administrative area of Sawahlunto city. It had 1,000 students, and the teacher was Tuanku Syekh Silungkang (Hadler, 2008: 148). It should be remembered that the Surau Jembatan Besi in Silungkang has no connection with the reformist figures at the Surau Jembatan Besi in Padang Panjang.

Given the large number of students and followers, it was very possible for the surau to be used as a base for struggle. Moreover, the teachers at the surau also taught the importance of fighting to defend the truth.