Setting the record straight on East Timor

By Irawan Abidin

JAKARTA (JP): Instead of the true story of East Timor, an elaborate myth is being foisted upon the world by members and supporters of the minority group that tried and failed to gain power in the wake of Portugal's abrupt withdrawal from its former colony in 1975.

Fashioned out of lies and slander, as well as innuendoes against Indonesia, this myth is being disseminated far and wide by the government of Portugal. Indeed for the past 19 years, the United Nations and the international community have been subjected to a ceaseless bombardment of half-truths and disinformation on the events surrounding the decolonization of East Timor.

In spearheading this campaign, Portugal is perhaps driven by feelings of guilt over the shameful way it deserted the people of East Timor at a time when it should have done its utmost to spare them from the ravage of political chaos.

This myth ascribes to the Indonesian government all sorts of horrible atrocities without a shred of evidence or proof that might be acceptable in a court of law. It is being made to appear that the government of Indonesia would, without compunction, violate its own laws and fundamental principles and even the deeply ingrained values of its people.

The grievousness of these accusations is such that they should not be freely bandied in the absence of clear evidence to back them up. And yet somehow these fabrications, largely through the efforts of the government of Portugal, have been dignified with credence in some international circles.

There is therefore a need, once again, to set the record straight on the issue of East Timor. It has to be stated that the East Timor issue is irrefutably a case of decolonization utterly mishandled by the erstwhile colonial power, Portugal.

Had it shown a higher regard for the civic and political rights of a people whom it had oppressed and neglected for over four centuries, Portugal might have effected a less stormy decolonization process, but it did not.

It is clear that after abandoning East Timor in a most irresponsible manner, after allowing the situation in the territory to deteriorate to the point of civil war, in fact, after practically instigating civil war by clandestinely turning over its arms and munitions to one particular group, the Frente Revolucianaria de Timor leste Independente (Fretilin), Portugal has relinquished any claim to be considered the administering power of East Timor.

We cannot but be astonished that there are still those who would wish to set the clock back and return East Timor to its former colonial master so that Portugal could do what it miserably failed to do nearly 20 years ago -- take part in the decolonization process that is already consummated.

A brief review of the chaotic final months of Portuguese rule in East Timor is instructive. In April 1974 the new Portuguese government proclaimed its intention to decolonize all its "overseas provinces."

In line with United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1541, a proposed referendum would present the people of East Timor with three options: to become an autonomous territory in federation or association with Portugal; to become a separate, independent state; or to integrate with the Republic of Indonesia.

Five political parties were formed in 1974 to take part in the referendum. These five parties represented the entire spectrum of East Timorese society. The Uniao Democratic Timorense widely acknowledged by both Portugal and other unbiased observers to be the largest party among the five, supported integration with Indonesia.

It enjoyed the support of approximately 50 percent of the total population or 230 of the 472 existing suku, or clans, in East Timor.

The Fretilin which comprised a small group of young radicals and members of the Portuguese colonial army, the Tropaz, opted for independence.

The Associacao Popular Democratica de Timor and two other parties, the Klibur Oan Timor Aswain, and the labor party (Trabalhista), also came out in favor of integration with Indonesia.

Indonesia welcomed these steps towards decolonization and, at the request of Portugal, extended its active cooperation to the process as evidenced inter alia by the series of meetings held between high level representatives of the two sides in New York, September 1974; Lisbon, October 1974; London, March 1975; Jakarta, August and September 1975, and in Rome in November 1975.

At those meetings, Indonesia reaffirmed its readiness to support Portugal in the peaceful and orderly implementation of the decolonization process, on the basis of Portugal's own plan.

Early on, the Fretilin refused to participate in an orderly and peaceful process of decolonization and attempted to circumvent the envisaged democratic procedures.

It boycotted the Macao meeting of June 1975, which was convened by Portugal and attended by other four parties to ensure a peaceful transfer of power.

As a result of the Fretilin's continued acts of intimidation, tension and confusion increased to the point of civil war between the Fretilin and the other four political parties.

Thus the Fretilin's attempt to seize power by force of arms rather than through democratic methods and the refusal by the majority of the East Timorese people to accept such a seizure of power plunged the territory into political chaos.

The Portuguese colonial administration in Dili made no effort to stop the bloodshed and at the height of the fighting, the governor and his staff packed up and left East Timor in much the same way that Portugal abandoned Angola and Mozambique.

By October 1975, more than 3,000 people had lost their lives in the civil war and more than 42,000 refugees had fled to safety in West Timor.

Despite the utter confusion and escalating violence in East Timor, Indonesia encouraged Portugal to return and exercise its authority to complete a just and orderly decolonization process.

As late as November 1975, the Indonesian and Portuguese foreign ministers met in Rome and issued a joint communique agreeing on the need to restore peace and order in the territory to enable the people to freely decide their own future.

It was agreed that a meeting between Portugal and all five political parties be held as soon as possible. This meeting never took place because, once again, the Fretilin refused to participate and, instead, unilaterally declared independence.

In response to Portugal's withdrawal from the territory and in the face of the Fretilin's mounting reign of terror against its own people, the four other political parties declared the independence of East Timor through integration with the Republic of Indonesia.

They also established a provisional government and called upon the government of Indonesia to take the necessary steps to protect the lives of the people who had declared East Timor part of Indonesia.

It was at this point that Indonesia became involved in the East Timor crisis.

The Indonesian government welcomed the desire of the East Timorese to join Indonesia but declared that it would accede to their expressed wishes only after a proper exercise of the right to self-determination had taken place.

Representatives of all of the critics of East Timor were therefore elected in a political exercise similar to the one originally planned by Portugal.

The elected representatives formed a provisional People's Assembly of East Timor and on May 31, 1976, this Assembly, in a public session attended by members of the diplomatic corps, as well as by representatives of the local and international media, formally declared independence through integration with Indonesia.

Much has been made of the fact that the UN was "not involved" in the process of decolonization in East Timor. It is a matter of public record, however, that throughout 1976 the Provisional Government of East Timor made every effort to have the UN participate in the process.

Regrettably, all its invitations were turned down as Portugal and its supporters blocked every attempt to secure UN participation. Despite these repeated rebuffs, the provisional government of East Timor continued to keep the relevant UN organs appraised of every stage of the decolonization process.

Since integration, Indonesia's sincere intent to give substance to the freedom won by the people of East Timor is reflected in its continuous efforts to accelerate the social, economic and political development of East Timor.

It has also ensured the protection of the cultural and religious rights of the East Timorese and pursued a continuing program of infrastructure building for agriculture, health, education, public housing and communication in East Timor.

More asphalt roads, bridges, schools, hospitals and health centers, public markets and places of worship have been built in East Timor during the 19 years since its integration with Indonesia than during the entire 450 years of colonial misrule.

The Indonesian government also maintains a policy of providing access to East Timor on a regular basis to foreign representatives, parliamentary missions, international agencies, journalists and others.

International humanitarian organizations, including Unicef, the World Health Organization and the International Committee for the Red Cross, have been operating in East Timor since 1979.

It is time for those who espouse the principles of self determination and democracy, which imply respect for the wishes of the majority, to realize that they cannot, at the same time, support the unreasonable and irrational demands of a minority.

It is clear that the only real base of support that the Fretilin has is in Portugal, which continues to subsidize the Fretilin's activities abroad.

Up to now the Fretilin has made no attempt to play a positive role in the development in East Timor.

In the ultimate analysis, the question is whether the noise being made by the handful of political failures who compose the Fretilin can be allowed to cancel out the profound improvements that have been wrought on the lives of hundreds of thousands of East Timorese.

To Indonesia, the important thing is that the vast majority of East Timorese are now living normal productive lives. And considering the development program that is being undertaken in the province, they now have a much brighter future to look forward to.

The writer is the Director for Information of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

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