Setting the record straight on East Timor

Setting the record straight on East Timor

By Irawan Abidin

JAKARTA (JP): Instead of the true story of East Timor, an
elaborate myth is being foisted upon the world by members and
supporters of the minority group that tried and failed to gain
power in the wake of Portugal's abrupt withdrawal from its former
colony in 1975.

Fashioned out of lies and slander, as well as innuendoes
against Indonesia, this myth is being disseminated far and wide
by the government of Portugal. Indeed for the past 19 years, the
United Nations and the international community have been
subjected to a ceaseless bombardment of half-truths and
disinformation on the events surrounding the decolonization of
East Timor.

In spearheading this campaign, Portugal is perhaps driven by
feelings of guilt over the shameful way it deserted the people of
East Timor at a time when it should have done its utmost to spare
them from the ravage of political chaos.

This myth ascribes to the Indonesian government all sorts of
horrible atrocities without a shred of evidence or proof that
might be acceptable in a court of law. It is being made to appear
that the government of Indonesia would, without compunction,
violate its own laws and fundamental principles and even the
deeply ingrained values of its people.

The grievousness of these accusations is such that they should
not be freely bandied in the absence of clear evidence to back
them up. And yet somehow these fabrications, largely through the
efforts of the government of Portugal, have been dignified with
credence in some international circles.

There is therefore a need, once again, to set the record
straight on the issue of East Timor. It has to be stated that the
East Timor issue is irrefutably a case of decolonization utterly
mishandled by the erstwhile colonial power, Portugal.

Had it shown a higher regard for the civic and political
rights of a people whom it had oppressed and neglected for over
four centuries, Portugal might have effected a less stormy
decolonization process, but it did not.

It is clear that after abandoning East Timor in a most
irresponsible manner, after allowing the situation in the
territory to deteriorate to the point of civil war, in fact,
after practically instigating civil war by clandestinely turning
over its arms and munitions to one particular group, the Frente
Revolucianaria de Timor leste Independente (Fretilin), Portugal
has relinquished any claim to be considered the administering
power of East Timor.

We cannot but be astonished that there are still those who
would wish to set the clock back and return East Timor to its
former colonial master so that Portugal could do what it
miserably failed to do nearly 20 years ago -- take part in the
decolonization process that is already consummated.

A brief review of the chaotic final months of Portuguese rule
in East Timor is instructive. In April 1974 the new Portuguese
government proclaimed its intention to decolonize all its
"overseas provinces."

In line with United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1541,
a proposed referendum would present the people of East Timor with
three options: to become an autonomous territory in federation or
association with Portugal; to become a separate, independent
state; or to integrate with the Republic of Indonesia.

Five political parties were formed in 1974 to take part in the
referendum. These five parties represented the entire spectrum of
East Timorese society. The Uniao Democratic Timorense widely
acknowledged by both Portugal and other unbiased observers to be
the largest party among the five, supported integration with
Indonesia.

It enjoyed the support of approximately 50 percent of the
total population or 230 of the 472 existing suku, or clans, in
East Timor.

The Fretilin which comprised a small group of young radicals
and members of the Portuguese colonial army, the Tropaz, opted
for independence.

The Associacao Popular Democratica de Timor and two other
parties, the Klibur Oan Timor Aswain, and the labor party
(Trabalhista), also came out in favor of integration with
Indonesia.

Indonesia welcomed these steps towards decolonization and, at
the request of Portugal, extended its active cooperation to the
process as evidenced inter alia by the series of meetings held
between high level representatives of the two sides in New York,
September 1974; Lisbon, October 1974; London, March 1975;
Jakarta, August and September 1975, and in Rome in November 1975.

At those meetings, Indonesia reaffirmed its readiness to
support Portugal in the peaceful and orderly implementation of
the decolonization process, on the basis of Portugal's own plan.

Early on, the Fretilin refused to participate in an orderly
and peaceful process of decolonization and attempted to
circumvent the envisaged democratic procedures.

It boycotted the Macao meeting of June 1975, which was
convened by Portugal and attended by other four parties to ensure
a peaceful transfer of power.

As a result of the Fretilin's continued acts of intimidation,
tension and confusion increased to the point of civil war between
the Fretilin and the other four political parties.

Thus the Fretilin's attempt to seize power by force of arms
rather than through democratic methods and the refusal by the
majority of the East Timorese people to accept such a seizure of
power plunged the territory into political chaos.

The Portuguese colonial administration in Dili made no effort
to stop the bloodshed and at the height of the fighting, the
governor and his staff packed up and left East Timor in much the
same way that Portugal abandoned Angola and Mozambique.

By October 1975, more than 3,000 people had lost their lives
in the civil war and more than 42,000 refugees had fled to safety
in West Timor.

Despite the utter confusion and escalating violence in East
Timor, Indonesia encouraged Portugal to return and exercise its
authority to complete a just and orderly decolonization process.

As late as November 1975, the Indonesian and Portuguese
foreign ministers met in Rome and issued a joint communique
agreeing on the need to restore peace and order in the territory
to enable the people to freely decide their own future.

It was agreed that a meeting between Portugal and all five
political parties be held as soon as possible. This meeting never
took place because, once again, the Fretilin refused to
participate and, instead, unilaterally declared independence.

In response to Portugal's withdrawal from the territory and in
the face of the Fretilin's mounting reign of terror against its
own people, the four other political parties declared the
independence of East Timor through integration with the Republic
of Indonesia.

They also established a provisional government and called upon
the government of Indonesia to take the necessary steps to
protect the lives of the people who had declared East Timor part
of Indonesia.

It was at this point that Indonesia became involved in the
East Timor crisis.

The Indonesian government welcomed the desire of the East
Timorese to join Indonesia but declared that it would accede to
their expressed wishes only after a proper exercise of the right
to self-determination had taken place.

Representatives of all of the critics of East Timor were
therefore elected in a political exercise similar to the one
originally planned by Portugal.

The elected representatives formed a provisional People's
Assembly of East Timor and on May 31, 1976, this Assembly, in a
public session attended by members of the diplomatic corps, as
well as by representatives of the local and international media,
formally declared independence through integration with
Indonesia.

Much has been made of the fact that the UN was "not involved"
in the process of decolonization in East Timor. It is a matter of
public record, however, that throughout 1976 the Provisional
Government of East Timor made every effort to have the UN
participate in the process.

Regrettably, all its invitations were turned down as Portugal
and its supporters blocked every attempt to secure UN
participation. Despite these repeated rebuffs, the provisional
government of East Timor continued to keep the relevant UN organs
appraised of every stage of the decolonization process.

Since integration, Indonesia's sincere intent to give
substance to the freedom won by the people of East Timor is
reflected in its continuous efforts to accelerate the social,
economic and political development of East Timor.

It has also ensured the protection of the cultural and
religious rights of the East Timorese and pursued a continuing
program of infrastructure building for agriculture, health,
education, public housing and communication in East Timor.

More asphalt roads, bridges, schools, hospitals and health
centers, public markets and places of worship have been built in
East Timor during the 19 years since its integration with
Indonesia than during the entire 450 years of colonial misrule.

The Indonesian government also maintains a policy of providing
access to East Timor on a regular basis to foreign
representatives, parliamentary missions, international agencies,
journalists and others.

International humanitarian organizations, including Unicef,
the World Health Organization and the International Committee for
the Red Cross, have been operating in East Timor since 1979.

It is time for those who espouse the principles of self
determination and democracy, which imply respect for the wishes
of the majority, to realize that they cannot, at the same time,
support the unreasonable and irrational demands of a minority.

It is clear that the only real base of support that the
Fretilin has is in Portugal, which continues to subsidize the
Fretilin's activities abroad.

Up to now the Fretilin has made no attempt to play a positive
role in the development in East Timor.

In the ultimate analysis, the question is whether the noise
being made by the handful of political failures who compose the
Fretilin can be allowed to cancel out the profound improvements
that have been wrought on the lives of hundreds of thousands of
East Timorese.

To Indonesia, the important thing is that the vast majority of
East Timorese are now living normal productive lives. And
considering the development program that is being undertaken in
the province, they now have a much brighter future to look
forward to.

The writer is the Director for Information of the Ministry of
Foreign Affairs.

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