Roads to world peace more complex (1)
Roads to world peace more complex (1)
This article is based on statement made by Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas at the 49th session of the United Nations General Assembly on Oct. 4. This is the first of a two-part article.
NEW YORK: Although the demise of the Cold War has reduced the threat of nuclear war, it has not eliminated the danger posed by nuclear weapons. Nuclear disarmament remains an imperative. It is hoped that with further success in the critical area of limiting and reducing armaments, the quantitative growth of nuclear weapons will soon be curbed. Recent encouraging developments include a significant reduction of the world's two largest nuclear arsenals as a result of the successful conclusion of START II, and the fact that a moratorium on nuclear tests continues to be observed by most of the nuclear-weapon states.
In this context, the importance of a comprehensive test ban treaty as a major step towards nuclear disarmament and as an urgent measure to protect the environment cannot be overemphasized. For this reason, the Conference on Disarmament has been given a clear and explicit mandate to negotiate a comprehensive ban on nuclear testing. Unfortunately, lack of political will on the part of some nuclear-weapon states has created obstacles to progress in this vital work. It is essential therefore that serious and concerted efforts be undertaken in the Conference on Disarmament in conjunction with the broader multilateral endeavors in the Amendment Conference on the Partial Test Ban Treaty to ensure the conclusion of a universal and effectively verifiable treaty within a fixed timeframe. Such a treaty would serve as a truly credible instrument of a nuclear nonproliferation regime.
The convening of the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty provides a unique opportunity to make a sober assessment of its implementation. It is beyond doubt that the question of the NPT's extension is linked to such critical issues as nuclear disarmament, the dissemination of nuclear know-how for peaceful purposes, security assurances to non-nuclear states and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free- zones. Hence, the issues we face next year should not be oversimplified to a mere choice between limited and unlimited duration or between conditional and unconditional extension of the NPT. The longevity of the Treaty will ultimately depend upon the resolution of these multifarious issues and the sincerity of the nuclear-weapon states in fulfilling their obligations.
Regional and subregional organizations continue to make substantial contributions to the cause of disarmament and peace. In the Asia-Pacific, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) was launched last July in Bangkok, reflecting the desire of the countries of the region to ensure a peaceful and stable political and security environment for their peoples. This forum is unique because it was not established in response to a crisis but, rather, as an exercise in preventive diplomacy to manage strategic change in such a way that a stable relationship among the major as well as the regional powers will evolve gradually and peacefully over the next decade. At the same time ASEAN is intensifying its efforts to realize its blueprint for a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN) with a Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon-Free Zone (SEA-NFWZ) as its component part. Its realization would be major step toward stable peace in the region and a significant regional contribution to global disarmament and non- proliferation.
Although the Asia-Pacific region now enjoys relative peace it is by no means free of tension and the anxiety of potential conflict. Among the actual and potential problems that the region must face is the persistence of inter-state disputes, especially territorial disputes and overlapping claims of sovereignty which could intensify if their potential for conflict were not effectively managed. This was why in its Manila Declaration of 1992. ASEAN stressed that its Treaty of Amity and Cooperation should serve as a basis for the establishment of a code of international conduct in the area and thus called for the peaceful settlement of disputes and the non-use of force. The positive response of the major powers and the countries of the region towards the Treaty serving as a code of conduct at the first ASEAN Regional Forum meeting makes it even more necessary to promote cooperative efforts among countries having overlapping claims of sovereignty in the South China Sea in order to ensure the peaceful development of the area.
As regards the nuclear issue on the Korean peninsula, the agreement reached last August between the governments of the United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was a major step toward a resolution of this problem. We continue to believe that this complex issue can only be resolved through the exercise of mutual restraint and through sincere and sustained dialogue and negotiations.
In the Middle East, the pursuit of peace continues to gather momentum and promises to herald a new era. The historic Declaration of Principles signed between the PLO and the Government of Israel over a year ago has been followed by the accord signed in Cairo last March which laid down the modalities for transition to Palestinian self-government in the Gaza Strip and Jericho and thus paved the way for the triumphant return of President Yasser Arafat to these areas. Yet another breakthrough is the signing of the Washington Declaration between Jordan and Israel which ended the state of war between them and opens the way for the conclusion of a comprehensive peace treaty.
While my Delegation welcomes these positive developments, we are also acutely conscious of the formidable challenges that still lie ahead. Palestinian autonomy should now be widened to include the economic, social and cultural aspects of national life and Palestinian self-rule should now be extended throughout occupied Palestinian territories. Furthermore, the international community should expedite its promised assistance to the Palestinian Authority in rebuilding the necessary infrastructures. It is also self-evident that progress on the other tracks of Arab-Israeli negotiations is a sine qua non for a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question based on Security Council Resolution 242, 338 and 425. The ultimate guarantee for peace is Israel's withdrawal from all occupied territories, including the Golan Heights and southern Lebanon.
In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the atrocities, senseless killings of civilians and ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the Bosnian Serbs have continued unabated. The pleas of the Bosnian Government for effective international intervention or at least the lifting of the ill-conceived arms embargo have gone unheeded. The savagery of the conflict has few historical precedents and the ambivalence of the international community has contributed to its perpetuation and the ever-present threat of its spill-over. By rejecting the latest peace plan proposed by the Contact Group, the Bosnian Serbs have dealt a serious setback to international efforts to end the conflict.
The carnage cannot just go on. It is therefore incumbent upon the Security Council to unequivocally pronounce itself on the non-applicability of Resolution 713 (1991) concerning the imposition of an arms embargo on Bosnia-Herzegovina. Furthermore, in the face of the continued intransigence of the Bosnian Serbs, the Security Council, must take strong and determined measures in order to ensure the realization of the peace plan. Concurrently, the international community should consider devising a mechanism for negotiations, including the convening of an appropriately structured international conference, to deal with the wider aspects of the conflict in and around the former Yugoslavia, leading ultimately to a comprehensive solution that would enable the people in that region to live securely in peace, free from aggression, domination and external interference.
Earlier this year, the people of South Africa finally put an end to apartheid by holding the first-ever non-racial elections and by subsequently installing the first, democratically elected government under President Nelson Mandela. We have all joyously welcomed this historic event as well as South Africa's resumption of its rightful place among the community of nations. Indonesia looks forward to developing close and mutually beneficial cooperation with the new Government and the people of South Africa.
Elsewhere in Africa, however, we were deeply anguished to witness in Rwanda the rampage of violence which has triggered an exodus of refugees to neighboring countries and has brought about a humanitarian crisis of catastrophic proportions. With the end of fighting and bloodshed and the establishment of the new Government in Kigali, we hope that the parties concerned will resume the process of national reconciliation based on the Arusha Agreement, which indeed provides an appropriate framework for the purpose.
The situation in Somalia continues to be marked by recurrent outbreaks of violence and deterioration of the security situation. We remain convinced that a solution to the civil strife in the country can only be through sustained dialogue among all the parties, under the auspices of the United Nations and the OAU. In this context, we hope for the early convening of the National Reconciliation Conference in accordance with the Declaration of last March by the Leaders of Somalia.
The coming into force of the Law of the Sea Convention next month represents the culmination of efforts begun over two decades ago to create a new order for the oceans. The Convention, which Indonesia ratified in 1985, will make a significant contribution in promoting the peaceful uses of the seas and in ensuring their equitable utilization.