Roads to world peace more complex (1)

Roads to world peace more complex (1)

This article is based on statement made by Indonesian Foreign
Minister Ali Alatas at the 49th session of the United Nations
General Assembly on Oct. 4. This is the first of a two-part
article.

NEW YORK: Although the demise of the Cold War has reduced the
threat of nuclear war, it has not eliminated the danger posed by
nuclear weapons. Nuclear disarmament remains an imperative. It is
hoped that with further success in the critical area of limiting
and reducing armaments, the quantitative growth of nuclear
weapons will soon be curbed. Recent encouraging developments
include a significant reduction of the world's two largest
nuclear arsenals as a result of the successful conclusion of
START II, and the fact that a moratorium on nuclear tests
continues to be observed by most of the nuclear-weapon states.

In this context, the importance of a comprehensive test ban
treaty as a major step towards nuclear disarmament and as an
urgent measure to protect the environment cannot be
overemphasized. For this reason, the Conference on Disarmament
has been given a clear and explicit mandate to negotiate a
comprehensive ban on nuclear testing. Unfortunately, lack of
political will on the part of some nuclear-weapon states has
created obstacles to progress in this vital work. It is essential
therefore that serious and concerted efforts be undertaken in
the Conference on Disarmament in conjunction with the broader
multilateral endeavors in the Amendment Conference on the Partial
Test Ban Treaty to ensure the conclusion of a universal and
effectively verifiable treaty within a fixed timeframe. Such a
treaty would serve as a truly credible instrument of a nuclear
nonproliferation regime.

The convening of the 1995 Review and Extension Conference of
the Non-Proliferation Treaty provides a unique opportunity to
make a sober assessment of its implementation. It is beyond doubt
that the question of the NPT's extension is linked to such
critical issues as nuclear disarmament, the dissemination of
nuclear know-how for peaceful purposes, security assurances to
non-nuclear states and the establishment of nuclear-weapon-free-
zones. Hence, the issues we face next year should not be
oversimplified to a mere choice between limited and unlimited
duration or between conditional and unconditional extension of
the NPT. The longevity of the Treaty will ultimately depend upon
the resolution of these multifarious issues and the sincerity of
the nuclear-weapon states in fulfilling their obligations.

Regional and subregional organizations continue to make
substantial contributions to the cause of disarmament and peace.
In the Asia-Pacific, the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) was launched
last July in Bangkok, reflecting the desire of the countries of
the region to ensure a peaceful and stable political and security
environment for their peoples. This forum is unique because it
was not established in response to a crisis but, rather, as an
exercise in preventive diplomacy to manage strategic change in
such a way that a stable relationship among the major as well as
the regional powers will evolve gradually and peacefully over the
next decade. At the same time ASEAN is intensifying its efforts
to realize its blueprint for a Zone of Peace, Freedom and
Neutrality (ZOPFAN) with a Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapon-Free
Zone (SEA-NFWZ) as its component part. Its realization would be
major step toward stable peace in the region and a significant
regional contribution to global disarmament and non-
proliferation.

Although the Asia-Pacific region now enjoys relative peace it
is by no means free of tension and the anxiety of potential
conflict. Among the actual and potential problems that the region
must face is the persistence of inter-state disputes, especially
territorial disputes and overlapping claims of sovereignty which
could intensify if their potential for conflict were not
effectively managed. This was why in its Manila Declaration of
1992. ASEAN stressed that its Treaty of Amity and Cooperation
should serve as a basis for the establishment of a code of
international conduct in the area and thus called for the
peaceful settlement of disputes and the non-use of force. The
positive response of the major powers and the countries of the
region towards the Treaty serving as a code of conduct at the
first ASEAN Regional Forum meeting makes it even more necessary
to promote cooperative efforts among countries having overlapping
claims of sovereignty in the South China Sea in order to ensure
the peaceful development of the area.

As regards the nuclear issue on the Korean peninsula, the
agreement reached last August between the governments of the
United States and the Democratic People's Republic of Korea was a
major step toward a resolution of this problem. We continue to
believe that this complex issue can only be resolved through the
exercise of mutual restraint and through sincere and sustained
dialogue and negotiations.

In the Middle East, the pursuit of peace continues to gather
momentum and promises to herald a new era. The historic
Declaration of Principles signed between the PLO and the
Government of Israel over a year ago has been followed by the
accord signed in Cairo last March which laid down the modalities
for transition to Palestinian self-government in the Gaza Strip
and Jericho and thus paved the way for the triumphant return of
President Yasser Arafat to these areas. Yet another breakthrough
is the signing of the Washington Declaration between Jordan and
Israel which ended the state of war between them and opens the
way for the conclusion of a comprehensive peace treaty.

While my Delegation welcomes these positive developments, we
are also acutely conscious of the formidable challenges that
still lie ahead. Palestinian autonomy should now be widened to
include the economic, social and cultural aspects of national
life and Palestinian self-rule should now be extended throughout
occupied Palestinian territories. Furthermore, the international
community should expedite its promised assistance to the
Palestinian Authority in rebuilding the necessary
infrastructures. It is also self-evident that progress on the
other tracks of Arab-Israeli negotiations is a sine qua non for a
comprehensive settlement of the Middle East question based on
Security Council Resolution 242, 338 and 425. The ultimate
guarantee for peace is Israel's withdrawal from all occupied
territories, including the Golan Heights and southern Lebanon.

In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the atrocities, senseless killings of
civilians and ethnic cleansing perpetrated by the Bosnian Serbs
have continued unabated. The pleas of the Bosnian Government for
effective international intervention or at least the lifting of
the ill-conceived arms embargo have gone unheeded. The savagery
of the conflict has few historical precedents and the ambivalence
of the international community has contributed to its
perpetuation and the ever-present threat of its spill-over. By
rejecting the latest peace plan proposed by the Contact Group,
the Bosnian Serbs have dealt a serious setback to international
efforts to end the conflict.

The carnage cannot just go on. It is therefore incumbent upon
the Security Council to unequivocally pronounce itself on the
non-applicability of Resolution 713 (1991) concerning the
imposition of an arms embargo on Bosnia-Herzegovina. Furthermore,
in the face of the continued intransigence of the Bosnian Serbs,
the Security Council, must take strong and determined measures in
order to ensure the realization of the peace plan. Concurrently,
the international community should consider devising a mechanism
for negotiations, including the convening of an appropriately
structured international conference, to deal with the wider
aspects of the conflict in and around the former Yugoslavia,
leading ultimately to a comprehensive solution that would enable
the people in that region to live securely in peace, free from
aggression, domination and external interference.

Earlier this year, the people of South Africa finally put an
end to apartheid by holding the first-ever non-racial elections
and by subsequently installing the first, democratically elected
government under President Nelson Mandela. We have all joyously
welcomed this historic event as well as South Africa's resumption
of its rightful place among the community of nations. Indonesia
looks forward to developing close and mutually beneficial
cooperation with the new Government and the people of South
Africa.

Elsewhere in Africa, however, we were deeply anguished to
witness in Rwanda the rampage of violence which has triggered an
exodus of refugees to neighboring countries and has brought about
a humanitarian crisis of catastrophic proportions. With the end
of fighting and bloodshed and the establishment of the new
Government in Kigali, we hope that the parties concerned will
resume the process of national reconciliation based on the Arusha
Agreement, which indeed provides an appropriate framework for the
purpose.

The situation in Somalia continues to be marked by recurrent
outbreaks of violence and deterioration of the security
situation. We remain convinced that a solution to the civil
strife in the country can only be through sustained dialogue
among all the parties, under the auspices of the United Nations
and the OAU. In this context, we hope for the early convening of
the National Reconciliation Conference in accordance with the
Declaration of last March by the Leaders of Somalia.

The coming into force of the Law of the Sea Convention next
month represents the culmination of efforts begun over two
decades ago to create a new order for the oceans. The Convention,
which Indonesia ratified in 1985, will make a significant
contribution in promoting the peaceful uses of the seas and in
ensuring their equitable utilization.