Ripples in the Congress: Many Suddenly Become Experts

The identity of NU is that of a religious organisation, not a political one.

This writing stems from the author’s unease regarding the phenomenon of Nahdliyyin (members of NU) following the 35th Congress in Tambak Beras, Jombang. This piece utilises terms commonly known to NU members.

For approximately five years, the NU leadership under KH Miftachul Akhyar and Gus Yahya concluded with the accountability report being accepted by the congress participants via acclamation. By the will of Allah SWT, Kyai Miftah was re-elected as Rais ’Aam during the AHWA meeting.

Change only occurred in the election of the Chairman of the Executive Board (Ketua Tanfidziyah) during this congress. While the Chairman is usually chosen by participants through voting if a consensus is not reached, this time, candidates were proposed by participants to the AHWA, and the AHWA meeting subsequently selected the Chairman of PBNU. Gus Kikin Tebuireng was subsequently appointed as the Chairman of PBNU for the 2026-2031 period.

This general information is likely commonplace for those outside of NU. Many of the author’s colleagues, even those from East Java, feel indifferent to the dynamics of this congress because that is how it should be. To them, NU is merely a mass organisation. However, for the Nahdliyyin—those who consider themselves part of the Jam’iyyah NU—the dynamics of the congress are not that simple.

Serious accusations have been launched by those who are not experts, and perhaps even by those who do not consider themselves part of the Jam’iyyah. Look at their writings on social media. Various opinions have emerged, ranging from doubting the spiritual authority (khos) of the AHWA clerics and speculating on ‘Palace packages’ based on podcast reports, to various other tendentious allegations. This is not only happening among the laypeople but also among those intertwined within the Jam’iyyah. Highly educated individuals—bachelors, masters, and even doctors—have suddenly become foolish, forgetting that such dynamics are common during a congress.

I certainly cannot access the history of every congress from the very beginning. However, from various writings regarding congresses, the history of debate can be traced back to the 19th Congress in Palembang, when NU became a political party and left Masyumi. In 1984 in Situbondo, we witnessed the ‘Return to the Khittah’ and the election of Kyai Achmad Siddiq and Gus Dur through the AHWA mechanism initiated by Kyai As’ad Syamsul Arifin. There was also the 1994 NU Congress in Cipasung, which was heated, as the Soeharto regime directly represented its interests through the candidate Abu Hasan.

Therefore, this writing serves as a reminder that turbulence during a congress is normal. Thus, we do not need to respond excessively or feel that the 2026 Congress is the worst, and so on.

Friction between the Syuriah (supervisory) and Tanfidziyah (executive) ranks is not a new story. From the era of Kyai Idham Chalid, Gus Dur with Kyai Ali Yafie, to the most recent Kyai Miftah and Gus Yahya, such dynamics have always coloured the relationship between the clerics and the ‘village heads’ in this large NU pesantren network. The dynamics between NU’s leadership figures are quite interesting when re-examined.

At the 1999 Congress in Lirboyo, there was a story of someone voicing support for Kyai Said as an alumnus, saying, ‘This is Lirboyo, how can an alumnus of Lirboyo not be chosen?’ This statement was refuted by the late Gus Maksum, who replied that Lirboyo and Gontor are siblings and share the same lineage. In this instance, the government did not interfere. In 1999, Kyai Said Aqil competed against Kyai Hasyim Muzadi, with Kyai Sahal Mahfudz as Rais ’Aam and Kyai Hasyim Muzadi as Chairman. However, in the 2004 Presidential Election, Kyai Said actually became part of the successful campaign team for the Mega-Hasyim pair, even though Kyai Hasyim was the figure who defeated him at the Lirboyo Congress.

After being forcibly removed, the relationship between Gus Dur and Kyai Hasyim turned cold, leading to unrest at the 2004 Solo Congress. There was a leadership package of Gus Dur–Gus Mus championed by the Gus Dur faction.

Meanwhile, the continued duo of Kyai Sahal and Kyai Hasyim Muzadi was championed by the Kyai Hasyim Muzadi faction. The duo of Kyai Sahal and Kyai Hasyim was re-elected. Although they were close during the 2004 Congress, differences in views emerged between Kyai Sahal and Kyai Hasyim at the 2010 Congress in Makassar.

In that congress, Kyai Sahal remained Rais ’Aam, while Kyai Said Aqil was elected as Ketua Tanfidziyah, ten years after the Lirboyo Congress.

Meanwhile, in 2015 in Jombang, there was a disturbance that ended with Gus Mus in tears. Kyai Ma’ruf Amin became Rais ’Aam and Kyai Said returned as Chairman. In the 2015 administration, Gus Yahya served as Katib ’Aam, assisting Kyai Ma’ruf Amin. Interestingly, in 2021, Kyai Said (Chairman of PBNU) and Gus Yahya (Katib Aam) actually faced each other. Kyai Miftahul Akhyar became Rais ’Aam and Gus Yahya became Ketua Tanfidziyah.

During the administration of Gus Yahya, he also expressed the idea of Syuriah supremacy, using the analogy of Syuriah as the owner and Tanfidziyah as the worker. However, ultimately, Gus Yahya and Kyai Miftah parted ways. Naturally, the reasons for these interpersonal dynamics are unknown to the public. The author wishes to show that friction between figures in NU is commonplace. There is no need for worry.

It seems complicated, doesn’t it, the dynamics within NU? In reality, it truly is. Therefore, it should not be overreacted to. Besides these matters, issues regarding the formation of a rival PBNU and legal challenges against congress decisions have also coloured the history of this organisation at Kramat Raya.

The Nahdliyyin who have suddenly become experts are currently in the early stages of the five stages of grief. At this moment, they seem to be in the denial phase. Upon further reflection, this denial actually has no direct connection to the continuity of the Jam’iyyah. This is what is referred to as the death of expertise, which occurs when there is an assumption that the title of Kyai…