Reflections on the first APA
By Meidyatama Soeryodiningrat
JAKARTA (JP): Nov. 24, 2000 could go down as a historic date in the annals of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
For three days close to 300 representatives, almost all of whom were non-government, from communities of the 10 members of the regional grouping convened for the inaugural ASEAN People's Assembly (APA) in Batam, Riau.
The idea of having a people's forum has long been in the wings.
Unfortunately ASEAN government's in the past have been less than warm to the idea. The Batam meeting did not even receive the blessing of the Myanmar regime, thus forcing organizers to only invite exiled dissidents from that country.
However with the patience and persistence of the network of ASEAN Institute of Strategic and International Studies (ASEAN- ISIS) over the last six years, the dream of an APA finally came to fruition.
Despite its 30-year history and the growing democratic climate in the region, ASEAN remains a polarized governments' club.
Caroline G. Hernandez, founder of the Institute for Strategic and Development Studies in the Philippines, points out that ASEAN is limited in its reach because it has more of a top down approach.
"The people were marginalized in decision making which was the exclusive right of a few elite leaders," she said.
Thus while the organization in its ASEAN Vision 2020 envisages a community bound by a regional identity and caring societies, it is questionable given the long episode of neglect whether these societies care about ASEAN.
No one can argue that despite the list of economic and political agreements, ASEAN has failed to create a moral commitment and personal sense of unity amongst its peoples.
ASEAN has not been able to relate to its citizens and remains irrelevant to the daily life of its people.
But such a situation should not come as a surprise as most ASEAN governments religiously guard their monopoly on such processes while often considering popular participation as a detriment rather than a contribution.
The only non-government forum which has been able to garner the formal respect and regular attention of the "track one" ASEAN governments' work is ASEAN-ISIS, referred to as "track two".
But even track two is limited in its reach as it consists of an exclusive circle of well-intentioned intellectuals with occasional passing participation from other sectors of society.
It was with this backdrop that Indonesia's Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) as a member of ASEAN- ISIS hosted APA 2000 in Batam.
Why Batam?
One reason was the APA was initially designed to be parallel in some way to the ASEAN informal summit in neighboring Singapore.
CSIS executive director Hadi Soesastro described the meeting as "an experiment to search for the participation of the people".
Simon Tay, the presiding ASEAN-ISIS chair, noted at the opening that it was potentially an historic moment while further conceding that "APA is a bit of an adventure".
Learning from the lessons of the 1997 APEC Summit in Vancouver and the WTO conference in Seattle earlier this year, APA's organizers seemed to consciously design the gathering to avoid an eruption of commotion which has signified similar parallel non- government meetings.
Simon referred to the "lessons of Seattle" on how to build a conversation.
A conversation that is loud enough that it is heard but measured enough not to become deafening, while avoiding too many voices which leads to a cacophony rather than a conversation.
But one participant who was active both in Vancouver and Seattle was somewhat bemused when examining the agenda: "We're not used to this. This is more talk than action".
The list of participants came from a wide spectrum including activists, former political detainees, businessmen, scientists, researchers and journalists, thus probably justifying the seminar-like format as not everyone would have been comfortable with the kind of "activism" prescribed by some.
Many views were put forward during the meeting. Panels were established to discuss a variety of subjects which included globalization, human security, women's empowerment, poverty, human rights, good governance and the environment.
Altogether no less than 65 speakers delivered presentations over three days. On top of that organizers pulled off a minor coup by getting President Abdurrahman Wahid to address the Assembly, adding significance and recognition to the project.
Nevertheless there was a feeling that the meeting, despite its noble intentions, was descending into a black hole of seminars with the only distinction being its diverse participants.
There was a lack of purpose as to where discussions were heading, especially as discussants often struck the brick wall of ASEAN canons which were uncompromising.
At the end of three days there was no conclusion, no declaration and not even any real confirmation whether an APA 2001 could be convened.
As an "experiment" the inaugural APA was sufficient enough to warrant hope that it could evolve to become a moral force able to exert a benign influence on ASEAN governments.
But every adventure must have a purpose. It cannot be one thrilling ride after another, and thus the meeting at best has to be viewed as a process, a launch pad of an idea which paves the way to allow ASEAN citizens to be heard.
This inaugural session should not be regarded as an end but the beginnings of something to be improved upon.
One way is to liberate the participants' interchanges from the rigid and stoic norms of the ASEAN mechanism which after all have been unable to accommodate the "popular" voice anyway.
ASEAN people's representatives, no matter how parochial, should be free to say what they want and not be limited based on the ASEAN confines.
In other words the APA should be a true "Southeast Asian People's Assembly" which is free of the historical-political baggage that is ASEAN.
Governments have never been good at community building, which has been the domain of civil society, so why rely on principles which they have set out?
ASEAN-ISIS can then assume the role of interlocutor between this "third track" and first track, by translating applicable proposals of the Assembly into a neat theoretical, conceptual package which could be presented to ASEAN minister or leaders.
Maybe at this juncture a cacophony is a good idea to arouse a deaf and regimented ASEAN.
As suggested by some participants, ASEAN-ISIS could possibly deepen the reach of APA by holding consultations or hearings on certain subjects in individual countries which would then be brought to the Assembly.
ASEAN itself as an organization must also show a genuine commitment to processes which raise ASEAN's sense of community.
Avid ASEAN watcher Kavi Chongkittavorn, also pointed out that APA should convene without "foreign money", referring to the fact that the gathering was sponsored, among others, by the Canadian International Development Agency, Japan Official Development Assistance, the Open Society Institute and the Asia Foundation.
"ASEAN must put its money where its mouth is," said Kavi, who is editor of Thai newspaper The Nation, while noting that the ASEAN Foundation has refused to contribute to the process.
Wisber Loeis, executive director of the ASEAN Foundation, argued that while he supports the convening of APA the final disbursement of funds was up to the board of trustees which has given priority to projects concerning human resources development and poverty.
With the exception of the Philippines representative the ASEAN Foundation's board of trustees consists of government officials.
Initially these suggestions may be a bit of fantasy, but so was the idea of APA in 1994.
The momentum of the inaugural APA must be sustained. It must succeed as a window display of alternative ideas from the grassroots for ASEAN officials to reflect upon, or at least be aware of, when formulating their grand declarations and policies.
Given the fact that spontaneous grassroots participation has lagged behind in the ASEAN processes, the pace of APA's genesis should not emulate that of ASEAN.
APA must be more revolutionary than evolutionary otherwise people will lose patience.
Government's will remain the main catalyst of ASEAN, but the grouping will slowly become irrelevant if its own people remain shunned in the process.
The Assembly may not be a flawless reflection of an ASEAN of the people, by the people and for the people, but it is better than, as a former foreign minister described, "a fraternity of government officials".
The writer is a journalist of The Jakarta Post.