Questioning the Distribution of Humanitarian Aid to Palestine

Amid the prolonged conflict in Palestine, particularly in Gaza, calls for humanitarian concern continue to resonate. Recently, a social media post by a Palestinian resident in Indonesia criticised the lack of clarity in aid distribution, even indicating potential ‘misappropriation’ by suggesting certain groups treat donations as a business field rather than purely for humanity. This criticism sparked various responses from activists who open donation channels, while also raising a big question: how exactly is aid distributed in Palestine, and what distribution strategies and governance models must be built to optimise humanitarian aid distribution amidst the complex Middle East situation? It must be underscored that poor governance will only increase public distrust in aid agencies, both national and international. In fact, aid is needed considering the humanitarian suffering in Gaza, for example, is worsening. According to UN OCHA data as of 29 July 2026, the conflict in Gaza has killed more than 73,000 Palestinians and injured over 173,000 people. The heaviest impact is felt by children and women. Around 1.9 million people (90 percent of the population) face an acute food crisis without international assistance. In the health sector, out of 683 health facilities, only 23 facilities (3-4 percent) are fully operational, while 43 percent are partially operational, and the rest are completely non-functional. This condition is truly alarming. By definition, humanitarian aid is emergency support in the form of food, medicine, clean water, and health services provided to communities affected by disasters or conflict. The universal principles recognised by the UN—humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence—should serve as the moral foundation for aid distribution. However, in the case of Gaza, geopolitical realities present major challenges. The existence of blockades, territorial control, and the tug-of-war of interests among the actors involved complicate the optimisation of aid distribution. From the perspective of international relations studies, the complexity of aid distribution in Gaza shows that humanitarian aid is never completely neutral. Donor countries, multilateral organisations, and other entities often carry their own agendas. Aid can become an instrument of diplomacy, even a tool of political pressure. A fundamental question then arises: ‘Can humanitarian aid be free from interests?’ Several existing studies (Barnet and Weiss, 2008; Rieff, 2002) show that humanitarian aid also has a large space as a tool for achieving the interests of both state and non-state actors. As we know, since 2023, Israel has increasingly tightened its control over most of Gaza’s borders. As the party controlling the distribution routes, Israel has the power to determine whether routes are opened or closed, when, who receives aid, and who does not. In fact, Israel also sets the amount of aid and the types of goods permitted or prohibited from entering, without regard for humanitarian aspects as a consideration (Al Jazeera, 9 February 2026). Under these conditions, it can be said that humanitarian aid in Gaza loses its neutrality due to the strong geopolitical context. Aid, which should be a symbol of global solidarity, is instead often perceived as a tool of control. From the perspective of donor countries, the actors involved also have various motives and interests. If the criticism voiced by the Palestinian resident on social media regarding business interests in aid distribution is true, then this combination of factors further demonstrates the complexity of humanitarian aid distribution. The enthusiasm of the Indonesian public is very high in providing donations for humanitarian aid in Gaza. This has encouraged the emergence of various philanthropic institutions that play a role in the management and distribution of this aid. However, distributing aid to Gaza is not an easy matter. In a discussion held by CIReS FISIP UI in collaboration with Human Initiative at the end of November 2025, titled ‘The Dark Space of Humanitarian Aid Distribution in Gaza’, speakers from UN OCHA, various philanthropic institutions (Baznas, DT Peduli, BSMI, MER-C), as well as humanitarian activists and volunteers, complained about the difficulty of distributing aid optimally so that it directly reaches the Palestinians in need. This condition underscores the importance of formulating careful distribution strategies and transparent governance. The distribution strategies include, first, mapping needs and key areas as the foundation. In Gaza, refugee camps, hospitals, and emergency schools are vital points that must be prioritised. Aid must not only pile up in border warehouses but must immediately move to spaces where lives are at stake every day. Second, the involvement of local actors, both individuals and institutions that understand the local situation, including alternative distribution routes. Community leaders, local volunteers, and humanitarian agencies that have long operated in Gaza, such as MER-C, have proven to be more trusted by residents and can reduce resistance to international institutions. Third, understanding and identifying the regional map, including countries that can serve as alternative routes for aid distribution. Egypt, through the Rafah Crossing, for example, is a main entry point, although it is often restricted. Support from Global South countries, such as those in the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, is crucial to building diplomatic pressure for the opening of humanitarian corridors.