Prosperous Justice Party likely to show improved performance

Prosperous Justice Party likely to show improved performance

Rais Hidayat, Research and Development Unit, The Jakarta Post,
Jakarta

If there is something new in Indonesia's current political
outlook, it is the persistent growth in influence of a new party
that has virtually no roots in the country's political history:
The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Despite being a newcomer to the political sphere, its presence
is perceived as an alternative power source in the making. Its
capability to carry out massive, but peaceful demonstrations, its
clean, high-quality membership of the legislature and the absence
of internal conflict within the party have drawn much attention
and empathy.

These attributes are indeed highly marketable amid reports of
corrupt and incompetent politicians, especially to young,
educated, Muslim urbanites.

Therefore, a better performance in this coming 2004 election
seems quite likely. Several large cities in Java such as Jakarta,
Bandung and Bogor will see a growing attachment of young people
to this party.

First-time Muslim voters in these cities seem to be the
party's main potential asset, but older voters disillusioned with
secular and other Muslim parties are also a possibility.

The growing influence, however, leads many people to question
its real identity. The answer will likely determine the extent to
which it can secure wider political influence in the future. Its
sustained peaceful character and the extent of its respect for
plurality are among major concerns that await assurance.

In an interview with a journal, the Asia Program Special
Report, then party president Hidayat Nurwahid, now a presidential
candidate for the 2004 election, makes it clear that nonviolent
change is its long-term commitment. With this, the party clearly
distinguishes itself from movements like Darul Islam (the Islamic
State Movement), which was associated with violence in West Java
and South Sulawesi from 1950 to 1960.

In terms of moral scruples and solidity, Nurwahid denies that
these characteristics are present simply by virtue of being a
small party. He points out that other small parties have been
rife with internal conflicts and moral degradation. He says the
key for the party is how to be patient and content with slow,
gradual growth.

For this gradual growth, this party does not even need a
charismatic leader to ensure it. What it takes great lengths to
prepare is the strong commitment of the membership to its vision,
which is supported by educational and training programs. This is
in contrast with other parties, where over-reliance on
charismatic leaders is a perceived requirement.

On plurality, however, PKS is still different from other major
Muslim-based parties that are trying to be inclusive. Its
official document says Islamism is its ideology and the fight for
Islam as a solution to the country's problems is its mission.

Its manifestation is clear. In August 2000, PKS, which at that
time was PK (the Justice Party), pressured the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) to incorporate the Jakarta Charter (a
term referring to an additional seven words requiring Muslims to
abide by Islamic law) into the amended 1945 Constitution.

In this sense, PKS is still the equal of the Crescent Star
Party (PBB). While its method looks moderate, its political goal
is substantially radical.

This outlook might have to be attributed to its historical
path. PKS originated from a dakwah kampus (campus propagation)
movement, which developed as an alternative in the 1970s in the
absence of quality political discourse under New Order control.
Its orientation is modernist, adhering to what it sees as an
interpretation of Islam that is not mixed with traditional
beliefs and rites -- although its connection to Muhammadiyah, the
largest and long-established modernist Muslim organization, is
remarkable for its absence.

This disconnection explains much of the distinctiveness of
PKS. It has stuck to its original concept, while Muhammadiyah has
seen changes; at least the latter is no longer perceived as
rigid, as before, on matters of tradition. And while other minor
modernist groups rooted in the past are rife with internal
conflicts, PKS has none.

This disconnection opened the way for direct Middle East
influence, the main center being the Salman mosque of the Bandung
Institute of Technology. Radical color from that region was
imported, and the Iranian revolution in 1979 provided further
inspiration.

At present, the Indonesian Muslim Students Action Front
(KAMMI), with branches in many campuses in Java, is its strongest
arm. It is well-organized and known to be a leading movement on
international issues like perceived anti-Israel and anti-U.S.
arbitrariness. Domestic issues like the fight against corruption
are also at the top of their campaign agenda.

The culture of being well-ordered has, for both PKS and KAMMI,
provided a sound basis for building a strong organization. Thus,
while the party's target of 10 percent of votes in 2004 might be
too upbeat, a significant increase on PK's achievement of 1.4
percent in the 1999 election is not an unreasonable expectation.

Such a performance would still be consistent with a
fundamental principle of PKS, as described by one of its
executives: A journey of a thousand steps. The next elections is
just the second step through which more experience can solidify
its foundations.

This is the seventh article in a series of 24 political parties
contesting the 2004 elections.