Prosperous Justice Party likely to show improved performance

Rais Hidayat, Research and Development Unit, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

If there is something new in Indonesia's current political outlook, it is the persistent growth in influence of a new party that has virtually no roots in the country's political history: The Prosperous Justice Party (PKS).

Despite being a newcomer to the political sphere, its presence is perceived as an alternative power source in the making. Its capability to carry out massive, but peaceful demonstrations, its clean, high-quality membership of the legislature and the absence of internal conflict within the party have drawn much attention and empathy.

These attributes are indeed highly marketable amid reports of corrupt and incompetent politicians, especially to young, educated, Muslim urbanites.

Therefore, a better performance in this coming 2004 election seems quite likely. Several large cities in Java such as Jakarta, Bandung and Bogor will see a growing attachment of young people to this party.

First-time Muslim voters in these cities seem to be the party's main potential asset, but older voters disillusioned with secular and other Muslim parties are also a possibility.

The growing influence, however, leads many people to question its real identity. The answer will likely determine the extent to which it can secure wider political influence in the future. Its sustained peaceful character and the extent of its respect for plurality are among major concerns that await assurance.

In an interview with a journal, the Asia Program Special Report, then party president Hidayat Nurwahid, now a presidential candidate for the 2004 election, makes it clear that nonviolent change is its long-term commitment. With this, the party clearly distinguishes itself from movements like Darul Islam (the Islamic State Movement), which was associated with violence in West Java and South Sulawesi from 1950 to 1960.

In terms of moral scruples and solidity, Nurwahid denies that these characteristics are present simply by virtue of being a small party. He points out that other small parties have been rife with internal conflicts and moral degradation. He says the key for the party is how to be patient and content with slow, gradual growth.

For this gradual growth, this party does not even need a charismatic leader to ensure it. What it takes great lengths to prepare is the strong commitment of the membership to its vision, which is supported by educational and training programs. This is in contrast with other parties, where over-reliance on charismatic leaders is a perceived requirement.

On plurality, however, PKS is still different from other major Muslim-based parties that are trying to be inclusive. Its official document says Islamism is its ideology and the fight for Islam as a solution to the country's problems is its mission.

Its manifestation is clear. In August 2000, PKS, which at that time was PK (the Justice Party), pressured the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) to incorporate the Jakarta Charter (a term referring to an additional seven words requiring Muslims to abide by Islamic law) into the amended 1945 Constitution.

In this sense, PKS is still the equal of the Crescent Star Party (PBB). While its method looks moderate, its political goal is substantially radical.

This outlook might have to be attributed to its historical path. PKS originated from a dakwah kampus (campus propagation) movement, which developed as an alternative in the 1970s in the absence of quality political discourse under New Order control. Its orientation is modernist, adhering to what it sees as an interpretation of Islam that is not mixed with traditional beliefs and rites -- although its connection to Muhammadiyah, the largest and long-established modernist Muslim organization, is remarkable for its absence.

This disconnection explains much of the distinctiveness of PKS. It has stuck to its original concept, while Muhammadiyah has seen changes; at least the latter is no longer perceived as rigid, as before, on matters of tradition. And while other minor modernist groups rooted in the past are rife with internal conflicts, PKS has none.

This disconnection opened the way for direct Middle East influence, the main center being the Salman mosque of the Bandung Institute of Technology. Radical color from that region was imported, and the Iranian revolution in 1979 provided further inspiration.

At present, the Indonesian Muslim Students Action Front (KAMMI), with branches in many campuses in Java, is its strongest arm. It is well-organized and known to be a leading movement on international issues like perceived anti-Israel and anti-U.S. arbitrariness. Domestic issues like the fight against corruption are also at the top of their campaign agenda.

The culture of being well-ordered has, for both PKS and KAMMI, provided a sound basis for building a strong organization. Thus, while the party's target of 10 percent of votes in 2004 might be too upbeat, a significant increase on PK's achievement of 1.4 percent in the 1999 election is not an unreasonable expectation.

Such a performance would still be consistent with a fundamental principle of PKS, as described by one of its executives: A journey of a thousand steps. The next elections is just the second step through which more experience can solidify its foundations.

This is the seventh article in a series of 24 political parties contesting the 2004 elections.