PNBK aiming at discontent with Sukarnoism and bull

Frans Surdiasis, Research and Development Unit, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

This is the 12th article in a series on the 24 political parties contesting the 2004 elections.

When a new party founded by Eros Djarot -- a popular figure in politics, the arts and the media -- was introduced, many were a little surprised that, just like a number of other parties, it also promoted itself as the legacy of founding father Sukarno.

Eros has become associated with novelty and impact -- his first political tabloid, Detak -- circulation of which rocketed in just one year -- was closed down for its boldness in 1994, along with two other publications. People also remember the powerful speech made by Megawati Soekarnoputri when she became the country's first female vice president, when Eros was her speech writer.

So why should the party, PNBK, use the bull as a symbol? We are told that it is a wounded bull. But it's a bull all the same.

The party, established in 2002, was initially named Bung Karno Nationalist Party (PNBK). But the rules of the 2004 elections determined that the name of a person could not be used and it was changed to Freedom Bull National Party, with the same acronym.

The legacy of the country's charismatic and intellectual founding father is indeed a national treasure, however Sukarno and the symbols associated with him have been overused. The end of the New Order regime also meant the end of the monopoly of one party's over-association with Sukarno.

Voters in the 1999 elections were presented with six parties using the logo of the bull, apart from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P). Two used the name marhaen, referring to the marhaenisme ideology which the first president introduced.

None of these parties gained significant results -- a number of them merged into the new Indonesian Association Party (PSI) after failing to pass the electoral threshold required to contest this year's polls.

For PNBK, the principle of marhaenisme such as self-reliance, which it relates to nationalism, is its raison d'etre. And indeed a symbol familiar to millions is necessary for a new party. Not everyone is familiar with Eros the musician, film director, media professional and former executive of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P).

Also, its leadership claims, it is different from other parties which promote an association with Sukarno, because it is not his dynasty that PNBK is striving to preserve -- a clear reference to of three parties led by Sukarno's daughters -- but his teachings.

As this is PNBK's weak point, its party activists say that while there is no familial tie with Sukarno they are his "ideological children."

Interpretations of marhaenisme abound. The ideology is thought to have been inspired by a poor but self-reliant farmer who Sukarno met in West Java called Marhaen. PNBK translates its mission as, among other aims, to uphold independence and the struggle toward "Indonesian socialism".

Not many seem to know or care about Eros' track record in upholding Sukarno's teachings. In his early teens he led the Indonesian National Student Movement (GSNI), affiliated with the party co-founded by Sukarno, the Indonesian National Party (PNI).

The establishment of PNBK was perceivably a reflection of the dissatisfaction of Eros and others toward Megawati and her party. They were considered to be among many former Megawati loyalists who were disillusioned by her attitude and her increased insensitivity to issues championed by PDI-P, such as the fate of the "little people".

The date chosen for PNBK's establishment is July 27, in commemoration of the same date in 1996 when the PDI headquarters -- dominated by Megawati's camp -- was taken over violently by the rival preferred by Soeharto's government.

This tragedy became a milestone in public support for Megawati. The president has seemed to forgive the event in which many of her supporters were killed, went missing or were later jailed. One indicator was her approval of Jakarta Governor Sutiyoso's second term. Sutiyoso was in charge of the capital's security, as the city's military commander, at the time of the takeover.

Eros has said, "That was a black day for freedom and democracy. We should not forget and will never forget that day."

Yet, will the voters remember?

The party will target people disappointed with PDI-P and also other "status quo" parties. According to Eros, 27 percent of PDI- P votes in 1999 came from swing voters, those who were not really "ideologically linked" to the party.

In Surabaya, East Java, PNBK is optimistic that it will secure 50 percent of the votes. One of its local leaders, Mochamad Basuki, was formerly a local leader of PDI-P. He left the party following an internal dispute.

The attraction of marhaenism is however still questionable. In 1955, PNI, the main party riding on Sukarno's personality, teachings and political affiliations, won the first election. But in the second election in 1971, PNI only came in at number three, after the then Golkar and Nahdlatul Ulama parties. Again, none of the parties toting the marhaen passed the threshold in 1999.

All of this plays into the hands of PDI-P, despite complaints against its leader and the party.

Perhaps with this realization in mind, PNBK seems to be playing on the aspirations of young idealists sick of the "old", insensitive politicians. Banyu Biru, Eros' first born child, comes into the picture. As fiery as his father, he addressed an audience with other young, well educated politicians from other parties.

Eyebrows were raised, with allegations of nepotism raised by some. But maybe PNBK had little choice given the difficulty in recruiting enough interested people within the deadline of meeting requirements to contest the elections. And, in part, because apathy, apart from PDI-P, is a major challenge for any new party nowadays.