PKPB to ride legacy of "the smiling general" to garner votes

Frans Surdiasis Research and Development Unit The Jakarta Post

This is the ninth article in a series on the 24 political parties contesting the 2004 elections.

The latter half of 2003 saw the re-emergence of the daughter of former president Soeharto, this time on the political stage. Businesswoman and former minister of social services Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana, well known as "Tutut", was touted as presidential candidate of the new party under another familiar face to many -- former Army chief of staff under her father's rule, R. Hartono.

Along with the political activity of other figures from the former regime, as shown in drafts of legislative candidate lists, the re-emergence of Tutut and Hartono merely confirmed the perception that many New Order regime figures were on the comeback trail after the regime's ignominious downfall in 1998, and not necessarily with a different ideology.

The establishment of the new party, the Concern for the Nation Functional Party (PKPB), and its presidential candidate Tutut raises more alarm bells about the return of the former first family and their cronies, as Hartono indicated that the party has been given a direct blessing from Soeharto, dubbed the "Smiling General" after the title of his biography.

The party has not bothered to come up with any new trendy "reformist" jargon, instead go with tried and true basics like "developing business and entrepreneurship to increase public welfare". The word "functional" refers to its roots in Golkar (Golongan Karya) which, Hartono said, Soeharto recommended in a meeting with him (the meeting itself raised demands for the courts to reopen the latter's corruption case because apparently he is not as mentally impaired as doctors had claimed).

Astutely building on the hopes of a considerable number of people who fondly remember the rapid economic development under Soeharto, Hartono even went so far as to state that anyone who is anti-New Order is against the state's five official ideological principles, or Pancasila. (belief in: one God, humanity, national unity, people's representation and social justice.)

That was the main mantra against dissenters in the days before reformasi, and it now sounds quite offensive to many people.

Trying to imitate the early success story of Golkar, this party expects to rely on two pillars as its main supporters: Former leaders of Golkar and retired military officers, despite the fact that a number of former Golkar people have already set up other parties. Some mass organizations politically affiliated with the New Order are also considered a potential source of votes.

The party originated from a mass organization set up in April 2000 by Hartono, the Concern for the Nation, which focused on issues of the economy and education. On Sept. 9, 2002 the PKPB was declared and its members did indeed include former top Golkar executives, in addition to a number of retired generals. Hartono has reportedly said that the PKPB would be akin to the "old Golkar" to differentiate from the "New Golkar" (the name it chose after reformasi and used for the 1999 election campaign) led by Akbar Tandjung.

So the core selling point of the party seems to be "reform has failed, let's go back to the Soeharto era."

A number of surveys indicate that many are suffering from a uniquely Indonesian version of SARS -- not that frightening pneumonia-like disease, but Sindrom Aku Rindu Soeharto (I miss Soeharto syndrome), and to them the post-Soeharto years have seen little improvement, if not worsened, regarding welfare and employment.

The party does seem to have the power, money and connections to market its political ideas. First, they have very good organization and a solid network by any standards. PKPB is the first party which registered with the General Election Commission (KPU) and one of six new parties that passed KPU verification in the first stage.

Second, Hartono claims 3.5 million active members throughout the country, and the involvement of Soeharto, as indicated by the party leadership, ensures a well-funded party, or the beginnings of one.

Third, Hartono's party also has the ear of the "Cendana inner circle", a reference to Soeharto's Central Jakarta neighborhood. Fourth, the party's main asset for public exposure is Tutut, who gained some popularity for her charitable activities.

A serious hurdle is, of course, the party's outlook which is now perceived as out of touch with the times. Even people who say life under Soeharto was better will likely still vote for Golkar, which tries to accommodate some of the new Indonesian aspirations of reform and the ideals of democracy.

Nevertheless, the old powers could be significant players if they can consolidate all pro-Soeharto people and lure the many swing voters, particularly those who have lost jobs in the last several years.

As a new party that rarely makes public statements -- they would be quite dry without Tutut and her demure smile anyway -- PKPB is not yet that well-known by people. This is another of its weaknesses.

Yet the party seems confident of at least being able to win the minimum 3 percent of votes to be entitled to nominate a presidential candidate. After all, it is counting on Soeharto loyalists and their entire families.

Tutut is also a legislative candidate for Yogyakarta, her father's hometown, and that could be cut into some of the votes for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) which won the most seats in the past election there, as well as Golkar's Sultan Hamengkubuwono X. Hartono will compete for a seat in Madura, East Java, and will thus pose a challenge for the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the United Development Party (PPP) in that province.

The result of the challenges posed by parties that campaign on their connection to the New Order will be evident in the results of the 2004 elections -- presuming that we can all exercise our free, informed will. It will be a litmus test of sorts to see whether Indonesians are still prepared to endure this seemingly endless transition to real democracy and reform -- or are fed up and willing to trust "the old forces" again, which would now be eager to show that they are the ones who can provide the much- desired prosperity and security.