PKPB to ride legacy of "the smiling general" to garner votes
PKPB to ride legacy of "the smiling general" to garner votes
Frans Surdiasis
Research and Development Unit
The Jakarta Post
This is the ninth article in a series on the 24 political parties
contesting the 2004 elections.
The latter half of 2003 saw the re-emergence of the daughter
of former president Soeharto, this time on the political stage.
Businesswoman and former minister of social services Siti
Hardiyanti Rukmana, well known as "Tutut", was touted as
presidential candidate of the new party under another familiar
face to many -- former Army chief of staff under her father's
rule, R. Hartono.
Along with the political activity of other figures from the
former regime, as shown in drafts of legislative candidate lists,
the re-emergence of Tutut and Hartono merely confirmed the
perception that many New Order regime figures were on the
comeback trail after the regime's ignominious downfall in 1998,
and not necessarily with a different ideology.
The establishment of the new party, the Concern for the Nation
Functional Party (PKPB), and its presidential candidate Tutut
raises more alarm bells about the return of the former first
family and their cronies, as Hartono indicated that the party has
been given a direct blessing from Soeharto, dubbed the "Smiling
General" after the title of his biography.
The party has not bothered to come up with any new trendy
"reformist" jargon, instead go with tried and true basics like
"developing business and entrepreneurship to increase public
welfare". The word "functional" refers to its roots in Golkar
(Golongan Karya) which, Hartono said, Soeharto recommended in a
meeting with him (the meeting itself raised demands for the
courts to reopen the latter's corruption case because apparently
he is not as mentally impaired as doctors had claimed).
Astutely building on the hopes of a considerable number of
people who fondly remember the rapid economic development under
Soeharto, Hartono even went so far as to state that anyone who is
anti-New Order is against the state's five official ideological
principles, or Pancasila. (belief in: one God, humanity, national
unity, people's representation and social justice.)
That was the main mantra against dissenters in the days before
reformasi, and it now sounds quite offensive to many people.
Trying to imitate the early success story of Golkar, this
party expects to rely on two pillars as its main supporters:
Former leaders of Golkar and retired military officers, despite
the fact that a number of former Golkar people have already set
up other parties. Some mass organizations politically affiliated
with the New Order are also considered a potential source of
votes.
The party originated from a mass organization set up in April
2000 by Hartono, the Concern for the Nation, which focused on
issues of the economy and education. On Sept. 9, 2002 the PKPB
was declared and its members did indeed include former top Golkar
executives, in addition to a number of retired generals.
Hartono has reportedly said that the PKPB would be akin to the
"old Golkar" to differentiate from the "New Golkar" (the name it
chose after reformasi and used for the 1999 election campaign)
led by Akbar Tandjung.
So the core selling point of the party seems to be "reform has
failed, let's go back to the Soeharto era."
A number of surveys indicate that many are suffering from a
uniquely Indonesian version of SARS -- not that frightening
pneumonia-like disease, but Sindrom Aku Rindu Soeharto (I miss
Soeharto syndrome), and to them the post-Soeharto years have seen
little improvement, if not worsened, regarding welfare and
employment.
The party does seem to have the power, money and connections
to market its political ideas. First, they have very good
organization and a solid network by any standards. PKPB is the
first party which registered with the General Election Commission
(KPU) and one of six new parties that passed KPU verification in
the first stage.
Second, Hartono claims 3.5 million active members throughout
the country, and the involvement of Soeharto, as indicated by the
party leadership, ensures a well-funded party, or the beginnings
of one.
Third, Hartono's party also has the ear of the "Cendana inner
circle", a reference to Soeharto's Central Jakarta neighborhood.
Fourth, the party's main asset for public exposure is Tutut, who
gained some popularity for her charitable activities.
A serious hurdle is, of course, the party's outlook which is
now perceived as out of touch with the times. Even people who say
life under Soeharto was better will likely still vote for Golkar,
which tries to accommodate some of the new Indonesian aspirations
of reform and the ideals of democracy.
Nevertheless, the old powers could be significant players if
they can consolidate all pro-Soeharto people and lure the many
swing voters, particularly those who have lost jobs in the last
several years.
As a new party that rarely makes public statements -- they
would be quite dry without Tutut and her demure smile anyway --
PKPB is not yet that well-known by people. This is another of its
weaknesses.
Yet the party seems confident of at least being able to win
the minimum 3 percent of votes to be entitled to nominate a
presidential candidate. After all, it is counting on Soeharto
loyalists and their entire families.
Tutut is also a legislative candidate for Yogyakarta, her
father's hometown, and that could be cut into some of the votes
for the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) which won
the most seats in the past election there, as well as Golkar's
Sultan Hamengkubuwono X. Hartono will compete for a seat in
Madura, East Java, and will thus pose a challenge for the
National Awakening Party (PKB) and the United Development Party
(PPP) in that province.
The result of the challenges posed by parties that campaign on
their connection to the New Order will be evident in the results
of the 2004 elections -- presuming that we can all exercise our
free, informed will. It will be a litmus test of sorts to see
whether Indonesians are still prepared to endure this seemingly
endless transition to real democracy and reform -- or are fed up
and willing to trust "the old forces" again, which would now be
eager to show that they are the ones who can provide the much-
desired prosperity and security.