NU rift: A question of religious legitimacy
NU rift: A question of religious legitimacy
By Einar M. Sitompul
JAKARTA (JP); The emergence of a rival to the Nahdlatul Ulama executive board concerns me deeply even though I am not a Moslem. As far as I know, this is the only time when a change has been sought due to a dislike of the organization's leadership.
Abu Hasan, the self-acclaimed rival leader, would find it difficult to deny the accusation that he is avenging his defeat at the NU congress in 1994 in West Java city of Cipasung. His move is nothing but a political maneuver.
Since its establishment 70 years ago, NU has often faced problems, whether in asserting itself as a religious organization following ahlusunnah wal jamaah (adherence to tradition as practiced by the majority of Moslems) or in developing Islamic teachings in everyday life under a Moslem scholar (who, according to tradition, is regarded as the prophet's heir).
However, every time there is a problem, NU has been capable of finding a way out by referring to tradition, the Koran and the collection of stories relating the words and deeds of the Prophet. It is with the Moslem scholars that NU's specific characteristic lies as a religious organization (jamiah diniyah) because it is the scholars who best understand the religious teachings.
Even while the nation was facing serious problems, NU did not abandon its religious identity when it issued the jihad resolution 50 years ago.
In the development era characterized by both centralization and globalization, in which economic interests increasingly dominate, religious identity needs to be further developed.
If NU fails to observe developments, its members, with a deeply rooted religious spirit, will become supporters of the establishment and a mere agent for legitimation of the development process.
For that reason NU's commitment should be to develop religious content for the benefit of its members and the community. As the country's largest socioreligious organization centered on the role of Moslem scholars, NU has the religious duty to be critical of national development.
Al Ghazali once said that damage to the body of Moslem scholars would cause damage to the state. This rival executive board is a manifestation of liberalism and the declining respect for an organization's authority.
NU has repeatedly been able to overcome crises as long as all parties in the huge organization were willing to obey its rules. However, this becomes difficult when certain circles resort to political maneuvers external interference for their own interests.
Abu Hasan's move to establish a rival NU board is not in keeping with NU's character and tradition. NU was established by istikharah (special prayers) and consultation with senior scholars, including Hadratus Syeh Hasyim Asyari. Is it proper that Abu Hasan should try to do the same, made possible by his financial ability? If there is a dispute, it should be solved the NU way, which gives priority to brotherhood (ukhuwah Islamiyah) and good behavior (akhlakul karimah).
If the rival figures want to take over NU's leadership, they should give religious arguments for doing so. If these are considered correct they will receive membership approval. To establish a rival board without a valid religious reason will harm NU in particular, and the Moslem community in general.
Abu Hasan's move will diminish NU's dignity and be detrimental to the organization, which, at the Situbondo congress, declared a return to the 1926 Khittah (policy) of remaining independent and uninvolved in real politik.
In addition, NU is not a hierarchical organization. In NU various currents and traditions of Islam meet. If Abu Hasan and friends have a different vision for implementing religious values, they will not be impeded because NU is a flexible religious organization.
Abu Hasan's weakness is that he does not have convincing religious arguments to serve as a basis for action. If NU is dragged into disputes for the sake of chairmanship only, it will be no different from other mass organizations where group interests tend to dominate.
The emergence of the rival board leads one to conclude that it is apparently not easy for a religious organization to remain independent. Political obstacles abound and it is hard to deny that forces have consolidated to maintain the status quo, which requires support of the community and a degree of polarization as well.
It is becoming increasingly harder to say no in this era of rampant pragmatism and rare idealism (in defense of identity).
The disintegration faced by NU is not new for religious organizations. A few years ago, the oldest church in Indonesia, the Batak Protestant Church, began experiencing a rift which persists until today. It is hoped that those with access to power will not allow NU to experience a similar fate.
It is my hope that NU under the leadership of Abdurrahman Wahid is able to overcome the pressure to divide the organization by referring to the constitution and NU's character and morals.
The lesson is that government recognition is no guarantee of freedom from political storm. To defend one's identity in a corporate culture requires dedication, strength and patience. And during this spiritual fasting month, may the NU leaders be blessed with the wisdom which enables them to maintain unity.
The writer is a pastor and an observer of socioreligious matters. He is the author of NU and Pancasila and is finishing his Ph.D studies at the Higher Institute of Theology in Jakarta.