Nahdlatul Ulama stuck between ego and ambition
Blontank Poer, The Jakarta Post, Surakarta
Ahead of the 31st Congress of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), which will be held at the Donohudan Haj Dormitory, Surakarta, the focus of its members is on the heightened rivalry between supporters and opponents of incumbent chairman Hasyim Muzadi, who is seeking reelection for a second five-year term.
Dissatisfaction with Hasyim stems from his controversial decision to side with Megawati Soekarnoputri as her running mate in the presidential election. Many alleged that he ran for the vice presidency even though the NU's larger-than-life patron, Abdurrahman "Gus Dur" Wahid, was himself running for president.
The die-hard supporters of Gus Dur insist that it was because of Hasyim that the Islamic scholar and former president failed to secure a place in the runoff.
Hasyim's move in the presidential election flew in the face of the National Awakening Party (PKB), which is recognized as the political wing of NU.
"NU members have always nurtured great political enthusiasm. Since the time when the NU Party came into being in the 1950s, and later evolved into the United Development Party, NU members have always performed with political distinction," Kyai Masdar Farid Mas'udi told The Jakarta Post.
To Gus Dur's and PKB's distaste, Hasyim -- head of the Al Hikam Islamic Boarding School in Malang, East Java -- has succeeded in mobilizing significant NU support for the coming congress.
The choice of Donohudan Haj Dormitory as the venue of the congress is also believed to be another irregularity of the NU central board under Hasyim.
"Usually, a congress is held at an Islamic boarding school to ensure that, as an organization of ulema, NU will not be divorced from its members," said Jazuli, a senior religious teacher from the NU Klaten chapter.
Not surprisingly, Gus Dur is being nominated as a Rais Aam, which heads the NU supervisory council, to counter Hasyim.
Gus Dur has mentioned several potential candidates to replace Hasyim as executive chairman, among them former religious affairs minister Tolchah Hasan, Manarul Hidayat, Cecep Syarifuddin and Masdar F Mas'udi. One common trait between the four is that none seem to harbor strong ambitions for power to rival Gus Dur.
The "return" of Gus Dur into the political fore of the NU could very well weaken its organizational solidarity further.
"Many people have intentionally encouraged Gus Dur to get on the NU board. The inclusion of Gus Dur would mean relinquishing his (official) involvement in the PKB. This will only stir things up more," said Jazuli.
The decision of NU clerics to set up the PKB and then separate it institutionally from the organization will also be put to the test at the congress. Gus Dur's wish to include more non-NU and non-Muslim members on the PKB board could incite a negative reaction from the congress, and conservative clerics are expected to maintain that the PKB is the political vehicle of the NU.
It will be a dilemma indeed. On the one hand, only Gus Dur can be expected to block the reelection of Hasyim as NU executive chairman; on the other hand, his return -- designed solely to block Hasyim -- will open the doors to certain political opportunists either in the PKB or NU itself.
Given this condition, the NU is now in a highly precarious situation. The only key person expected to be able to end the internal conflict is the current Rais Aam, A. Sahal Mahfudz.
Many believe that this respected cleric, who hails from Pati, Central Java, could play a decisive factor in whether Hasyim launches an all-out assault for the chairmanship.
Even though the succession issue is likely to dominate headlines, a small group of NU youth members is pushing the congress to focus on concrete programs that can be pursued by the new executive board.
"The welfare of the members are often neglected," remarked Luthfi Rahman, one of the organizers of the congress. "Many of our schools have had to suspend operations because issues like education are ignored."