Megawati and Hamzah fall short of expectations

Megawati and Hamzah fall short of expectations

Kornelius Purba, Staff Writer, The Jakarta Post, Jakarta

Should President Megawati Soekarnoputri and Vice President
Hamzah Haz wait for a Cabinet decision to console hungry refugees
in Jakarta? Or should they wait for each other to initiate a
simple but effective way to help flood victims -- and
simultaneously help their own public relations needs?

When flood victims in East Jakarta jeered an empty-handed
President Megawati during her belated visit on Thursday, the next
morning Vice President Hamzah Haz upset many Jagorawi toll road
users because police stopped all vehicles just to let him pass.

"The flood has caused big troubles for us on the toll road. If
he cannot help us at least he should not disturb the public,"
said a friend about Hamzah who has homes in East Jakarta and
Bogor.

Some refugees told the President that they expected food and
not just a handshake or a big smile from her. Both leaders have
been regarded as being too late to comfort flood victims despite
strong suggestions from several Cabinet members.

A senior Cabinet member insisted that he and his colleagues
had urged Megawati to immediately visit the victims. Her visit
took place after presiding over a Cabinet meeting to discuss the
floods.

"I don't understand why (the visit) is so late," said the
minister after attending the meeting.

The question is: How can the President and the Vice President
work and coordinate appropriately if she has not even decided on
the new structure and personnel of the offices of the state
secretariat, the presidential office and vice presidential
office?

Citing signs of opposition in this regard from Megawati's
husband Taufik Kiemas and her own Indonesian Democratic Party of
Struggle (PDI Perjuangan), an official disclosed that Megawati
could not resist their demands for easier and better access to
the Palace, and tried to put their own people in the posts.
Megawati is under strong pressure to replace state secretary
Bambang Kesowo with one of her own people. For six months the
President has not been able to make up her mind on the issue.

As a compromise to her husband, the President appointed an
experienced diplomat, Kemal Munawar, as presidential secretary,
which effectively transferred much of Bambang's power to Kemal.
Kemal then became in charge of her daily activities, incoming and
outgoing letters, and in handling her public relation activities.

Meanwhile, despite his new position as the country's second
highest official, it still seems difficult for Hamzah to change
his position from the leader of the opposition, United
Development Party (PPP), to become a part of the ruling coalition
with Megawati. He used to criticize the government's policies and
did not defend the government against its critics.

He clearly enjoys his position, and people around him are
reportedly encouraging him to climb the ladder higher in 2004. So
he is just waiting for his chance while enjoying his privileges.

The President's relation with her deputy however is much
better compared to her relationship with president Abdurrahman
Wahid when she was vice president.

"They are not friends, but also not enemies. They just have
different political interests," said an economic minister on
Thursday.

Another questionable principle is: How can her economic team
move forward if Megawati's two most trusted economists quarrel in
public over the BCA divestment plan and the controversial debt
extension plan? Claiming to act on behalf of the nation, State
Minister of State Enterprises Laksamana Sukardi and State
Minister of National Development Planning Agency Kwik Kian Gie
expressed their differences in public.

Both ministers are PDI Perjuangan executives and Megawati's
economics mentors.

A rift in the Cabinet however is not the monopoly of
Megawati's government. Soeharto was known for his mastery of
provoking conflicts among his ministers especially between
military and civilian ministers. The purpose was to strengthen
his own position. Former minister of foreign affairs Ali Alatas
had plenty stories about that.

Yet the rifts in the current Cabinet are not Megawati's
design, but rather more because of lack of control over her
ministers. While Soeharto completely controlled his ministers,
including their private problems, Megawati's ministers come from
different parties, including from those who are not happy with
her, like Golkar.

"Even during Cabinet meetings she should be cautious because
her remarks can be easily leaked to her opponents," said a long
time aide of Megawati.

The military prefers a low profile position in the Cabinet.
The position of Lt. Gen. Hari Subarno as home minister is not as
strong as his predecessors because under the regional autonomy
law, much of the central government's power has been moved to
regencies and municipalities.

Minister of Defense Matori Abdul Djalil is a political
liability for Megawati. How can she expect Matori to defend the
country from its external enemies when he has to spend most of
his energy in defending himself from former president
Abdurrahman's National Awakening Party (PKB), following Matori's
expulsion from the party?

Megawati is slowly reducing her dependence on Coordinating
Minister for the Economy Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti and
Coordinating Minister for Political and Security Affairs Gen.
(ret). Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.

On security affairs, especially on intelligence assessment she
regularly receives reports from National Intelligence Agency
(BIA) Lt. Gen. (ret.) A.M. Hendropriyono. In his military career,
Hendropriyono was more senior than Susilo, but his past track
record often causes troubles from victims of human rights
violations during Soeharto's era.

In public she is often seen talking with Minister of Industry
and Trade Rini Soewandi. She is reportedly impressed with the
former top executive of the publicly-listed Astra International
and has asked Rini to do more than her job as minister of
industry and trade.

She is becoming more impatient for concrete economic progress
in the short term. Taufik's experience and connection as a
businessman is quite helpful in connecting her to the country's
major corporations and businesses. This new approach is
vulnerable to public suspicion because conflicts of interests may
be unavoidable.

"It is helpful only for short term. But she is desperate for
some progress," said an economic minister.

Due to the complexity of his duties, Minister of Foreign
Affairs Hassan Wirajuda has potential sources of conflicts with
his colleagues in the Cabinet although he is still Megawati's
chief diplomat. However Hassan must remember his mentor Alatas'
experience, who was often bypassed by other Soeharto's assistants
like former state secretary Moerdiono. A similar conflict with
Bambang Kesowo is not impossible.

Hamzah may refrain from involving himself in deciding
sensitive issues, like the policy on fuel or the government's
stance on terrorism. But as a statesman he must defend the
country first. The progress of the current government can also
become an advantage for his political future.

How about Megawati? It is difficult to expect more from her if
she has not even been able to finish the restructuring of both
Hamzah's office and her own.