Malaysia's Mr Nice Guy no pushover on the political scene

Malaysia's Mr Nice Guy no pushover on the political scene

By Karim Raslan

KUALA LUMPUR: Today (Wednesday), the most underestimated man
in Malaysian politics, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah
Badawi commences what will be his first major visit to Singapore.

Though dubbed, rather dismissively, as "Mr Nice Guy" by the
domestic and international media, only the foolish would let
themselves be taken in by the sobriquet.

His quiet, self-effacing manner and courtly charm mask a
steely politician with an unerring sense for timing and an
intuitive understanding of the Malay-Muslim psyche.

In order to convey a sense of Pak Lah's (as he is more
commonly known) appeal, I will give a brief account of UMNO's
recent history, the prevailing ethos within the party and the
man's leadership style.

Having presented the political framework within which he
works, I will try to explain how Pak Lah will tackle the many
challenges facing Malaysia.

Whatever the case, one must not fall into the trap of thinking
that his low-key style and the absence of rhetorical fire-works
make him any less effective a leader.

And with Malaysia still reeling from the events of 1998, the
prospect of a leader who is not an ideologue is becoming
increasingly attractive.

Certainly, the Barisan Nasional government is facing an
unprecedented onslaught on four broad, interlocking fronts:
Islam, race relations, corporate governance and the whole range
of civil society issues.

A Pak Lah administration should be able to deal confidently
with the first two areas.

I suspect the third and fourth will present the greatest
challenges. However, if he wants to ensure that his party -- the
United Malays National Organization or UMNO -- does not share the
same dismal fate as Taiwan's Kuomingtang or India's Congress
Party, he will have to tackle the much-needed economic and
political reforms head-on.

But let us return to recent UMNO history.

Over the past 20 years, a succession of dazzling leaders (Tan
Sri Musa Hitam, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Datuk Seri Anwar
Ibrahim) have emerged in the party only to fall by the wayside at
the last juncture.

In comparison, Pak Lah is still around.

Many ascribe his continued survival to little more than good
luck. However, it is difficult (especially for politicians) to be
lucky for any length of time and Pak Lah, by their yardstick, has
been lucky for nearly 15 years: Witness his career.

In the mid-1980s, he sided with Tengku Razaleigh and Tan Sri
Musa Hitam against the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir
Mohamad.

When Pak Lah's allies in "Team B" subsequently formed
political party Semangat 46, he chose to remain with UMNO despite
having been sacked from the Cabinet.

Similarly, in the early 1990s, he kept his power base in
Penang -- if not the all-important UMNO Vice-President position
-- just as Anwar Ibrahim, a colleague from Penang, began his
spectacular rise through the upper echelons of the party.

In both cases, Pak Lah demonstrated his loyalty to the party
and not to any particular faction within the party: The
distinction is fine but important.

Partly because of this attitude, he is also unusual -- at
least in Malay politics -- in that he has not attracted scores of
fervent detractors, even from the Muslim based Parti Islam Se
Malaysia (PAS).

In this respect, he is unlike either Dr Mahathir or Anwar
Ibrahim, both of whom, by dint of their charismatic personalities
and take-no-prisoners approach to politics, have acquired
hundreds if not thousands of virulent, life-long enemies.

Given the venomous milieu, who said being "Mr Nice Guy" was
such a bad thing? His finely honed survival instincts, coupled
with the delicate position he currently occupies, ensures that he
is both respectful and dutiful in his dealings with the Prime
Minister.

Unlike Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo or
Indonesian Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri, he will not be
maneuvering to replace his boss.

Because of this and his own unwavering confidence in UMNO's
ability to drive Malaysia's political and socio-economic reforms,
many of his pronouncements may well seem anodyne.

Nonetheless, since his appointment to the post of Deputy Prime
Minister, it has been interesting to observe how he has been
tackling the four major challenges facing the UMNO-led
administration.

The first, Islam, is one of his strengths. Save for the Deputy
Prime Minister, the UMNO hierarchy is extremely weak in terms of
those who can articulate the party's modernist religious
position.

Nevertheless, he has demonstrated a surprising sense of
moderation and progress when discussing Islam, advocating, in one
speech last year, "an Islam that is dynamic and modern...not one
that is static ... rigid and entrenched in literalism."

His espousal of a contemporary interpretation of the Koran
sets him head-to-head with the ulama-led PAS.

Nonetheless, he enjoys a degree of credibility in the Islamic
area for three reasons: His background as an Islamic student, his
impeccable family life and the fact that his grandfather, the
late Sheikh Abdullah Ibrahim, was a former Mufti of Penang and
renowned Islamic scholar.

These factors have tempered the tone of opposition attacks.

Certainly, the taunts bear no comparison with those levelled
at Dr Mahathir.

For example, when opposition leader Fadzil Noor accused the
Deputy Prime Minister, at the time of the Japanese Encephalitis
epidemic and attendant pig culling, of being little more than a
pig herder, the insult backfired, drawing a barrage of angry
criticism on the PAS leader.

Interestingly, even Datuk Nik Aziz, the Mursyidal-Am (or
spiritual leader of PAS) and Chief Minister of Kelantan, has
conceded that Pak Lah, as the descendant of a notable cleric,
shares certain characteristics with himself.

Secondly, the handling of racial issues. Pak Lah's religious
background is matched by his roots in Penang's cosmopolitanism.

In speech after speech, especially in the light of the Lunas
by-election loss, he has stressed his multi-racial credentials.

Many non-governmental organizations, despite their unhappiness
with the government, have had to concede that he is a man of his
word. In this respect, his integrity at the negotiating table is
unquestioned.

Moreover, he worked very hard to lower the political
temperature surrounding Chinese community NGO Suqui's 87-point
memorandum in late December. He rejected confrontation and
insisted on the need for dialogue - a refreshing change in UMNO's
approach to race relations.

Interestingly, he also enlisted a number of bright 20-
something graduates to assist with the negotiations, showing
himself ready and willing to embrace the younger generation,
their ideas, their enthusiasm and their professionalism.

Similarly, this weekend's decision not to permit the Barisan
Bertindak Melayu's demonstration in Kampung Baru underlines his
rejection of incendiary race-based politics.

As he said in a recent speech: "Malays leaders must realise
that communal rhetoric is outdated and does great damage to
national unity."

The third issues -- transparency and cronyism -- should be one
of the most difficult for him to address.

Never having held a prominent economic portfolio in the past,
his inexperience may work against him, especially if he allows
others too much freedom in their management of the economy.

However, there are those who argue -- and quite persuasively
-- that having been ignored by the business community for most of
his political career, he has not acquired a coterie of business
associates.

The recent MAS airlines share sale and the ongoing saga of
Renong and UEM business groups have highlighted again the
iniquities of the New Economic Policy (NEP) sparking off a
furore.

To his credit, Pak Lah has conceded the importance of
rethinking the NEP. He has stressed the need to ensure that the
redistribution of wealth and opportunities is more effective and
efficient.

But in tackling these issues he will be coming face-to-face
with powerful entrenched interests.

If he is serious about pursuing these objectives, he will need
to protect his credibility.

All his dealings (and especially those of his family) with the
corporate world have to be wholly transparent. Any back-sliding
on this front will swiftly destroy -- as Indonesian President
Abdurrahman Wahid is discovering to his chagrin -- much of the
goodwill Pak Lah currently enjoys.

Fourthly, the civil society arena. The formation of the
National Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) and its growing
credibility under Tan Sri Musa Hitam, as well as certain judicial
appointments, show an improvement in the government's civil
society position.

However, in many ways, Anwar Ibrahim's case remains the litmus
test of the government's civil society agenda and, in the years
ahead, Pak Lah will have to turn his attention to the knotty
problem of his former rival.

But as Michael Vatikiotis, the managing editor of the Far
Eastern Economic Review and a seasoned regional commentator, says
of him: "He is the epitome of the gentleman politician.

"He (Pak Lah) considers himself a dutiful public servant. Both
qualities make for a softer approach to issues and a tendency to
seek compromise rather than confrontation. Some consider this a
weakness. They are qualities nonetheless."

After two decades of extraordinary growth and traumatic socio-
political change, Malaysia needs a period of reconciliation and
consolidation.

Maybe Pak Lah, the most underestimated man in Malaysian
politics, will be able to heal the country's wounds and prepare
the people for the future.

The writer is a Kuala Lumpur-based lawyer and author.

-- The Straits Times/Asia News Network