Malaysia's Mr Nice Guy no pushover on the political scene

Malaysia's Mr Nice Guy no pushover on the political scene

By Karim Raslan

KUALA LUMPUR: Today (Wednesday), the most underestimated man in Malaysian politics, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Badawi commences what will be his first major visit to Singapore.

Though dubbed, rather dismissively, as "Mr Nice Guy" by the domestic and international media, only the foolish would let themselves be taken in by the sobriquet.

His quiet, self-effacing manner and courtly charm mask a steely politician with an unerring sense for timing and an intuitive understanding of the Malay-Muslim psyche.

In order to convey a sense of Pak Lah's (as he is more commonly known) appeal, I will give a brief account of UMNO's recent history, the prevailing ethos within the party and the man's leadership style.

Having presented the political framework within which he works, I will try to explain how Pak Lah will tackle the many challenges facing Malaysia.

Whatever the case, one must not fall into the trap of thinking that his low-key style and the absence of rhetorical fire-works make him any less effective a leader.

And with Malaysia still reeling from the events of 1998, the prospect of a leader who is not an ideologue is becoming increasingly attractive.

Certainly, the Barisan Nasional government is facing an unprecedented onslaught on four broad, interlocking fronts: Islam, race relations, corporate governance and the whole range of civil society issues.

A Pak Lah administration should be able to deal confidently with the first two areas.

I suspect the third and fourth will present the greatest challenges. However, if he wants to ensure that his party -- the United Malays National Organization or UMNO -- does not share the same dismal fate as Taiwan's Kuomingtang or India's Congress Party, he will have to tackle the much-needed economic and political reforms head-on.

But let us return to recent UMNO history.

Over the past 20 years, a succession of dazzling leaders (Tan Sri Musa Hitam, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim) have emerged in the party only to fall by the wayside at the last juncture.

In comparison, Pak Lah is still around.

Many ascribe his continued survival to little more than good luck. However, it is difficult (especially for politicians) to be lucky for any length of time and Pak Lah, by their yardstick, has been lucky for nearly 15 years: Witness his career.

In the mid-1980s, he sided with Tengku Razaleigh and Tan Sri Musa Hitam against the Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

When Pak Lah's allies in "Team B" subsequently formed political party Semangat 46, he chose to remain with UMNO despite having been sacked from the Cabinet.

Similarly, in the early 1990s, he kept his power base in Penang -- if not the all-important UMNO Vice-President position -- just as Anwar Ibrahim, a colleague from Penang, began his spectacular rise through the upper echelons of the party.

In both cases, Pak Lah demonstrated his loyalty to the party and not to any particular faction within the party: The distinction is fine but important.

Partly because of this attitude, he is also unusual -- at least in Malay politics -- in that he has not attracted scores of fervent detractors, even from the Muslim based Parti Islam Se Malaysia (PAS).

In this respect, he is unlike either Dr Mahathir or Anwar Ibrahim, both of whom, by dint of their charismatic personalities and take-no-prisoners approach to politics, have acquired hundreds if not thousands of virulent, life-long enemies.

Given the venomous milieu, who said being "Mr Nice Guy" was such a bad thing? His finely honed survival instincts, coupled with the delicate position he currently occupies, ensures that he is both respectful and dutiful in his dealings with the Prime Minister.

Unlike Philippine President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo or Indonesian Vice President Megawati Soekarnoputri, he will not be maneuvering to replace his boss.

Because of this and his own unwavering confidence in UMNO's ability to drive Malaysia's political and socio-economic reforms, many of his pronouncements may well seem anodyne.

Nonetheless, since his appointment to the post of Deputy Prime Minister, it has been interesting to observe how he has been tackling the four major challenges facing the UMNO-led administration.

The first, Islam, is one of his strengths. Save for the Deputy Prime Minister, the UMNO hierarchy is extremely weak in terms of those who can articulate the party's modernist religious position.

Nevertheless, he has demonstrated a surprising sense of moderation and progress when discussing Islam, advocating, in one speech last year, "an Islam that is dynamic and modern...not one that is static ... rigid and entrenched in literalism."

His espousal of a contemporary interpretation of the Koran sets him head-to-head with the ulama-led PAS.

Nonetheless, he enjoys a degree of credibility in the Islamic area for three reasons: His background as an Islamic student, his impeccable family life and the fact that his grandfather, the late Sheikh Abdullah Ibrahim, was a former Mufti of Penang and renowned Islamic scholar.

These factors have tempered the tone of opposition attacks.

Certainly, the taunts bear no comparison with those levelled at Dr Mahathir.

For example, when opposition leader Fadzil Noor accused the Deputy Prime Minister, at the time of the Japanese Encephalitis epidemic and attendant pig culling, of being little more than a pig herder, the insult backfired, drawing a barrage of angry criticism on the PAS leader.

Interestingly, even Datuk Nik Aziz, the Mursyidal-Am (or spiritual leader of PAS) and Chief Minister of Kelantan, has conceded that Pak Lah, as the descendant of a notable cleric, shares certain characteristics with himself.

Secondly, the handling of racial issues. Pak Lah's religious background is matched by his roots in Penang's cosmopolitanism.

In speech after speech, especially in the light of the Lunas by-election loss, he has stressed his multi-racial credentials.

Many non-governmental organizations, despite their unhappiness with the government, have had to concede that he is a man of his word. In this respect, his integrity at the negotiating table is unquestioned.

Moreover, he worked very hard to lower the political temperature surrounding Chinese community NGO Suqui's 87-point memorandum in late December. He rejected confrontation and insisted on the need for dialogue - a refreshing change in UMNO's approach to race relations.

Interestingly, he also enlisted a number of bright 20- something graduates to assist with the negotiations, showing himself ready and willing to embrace the younger generation, their ideas, their enthusiasm and their professionalism.

Similarly, this weekend's decision not to permit the Barisan Bertindak Melayu's demonstration in Kampung Baru underlines his rejection of incendiary race-based politics.

As he said in a recent speech: "Malays leaders must realise that communal rhetoric is outdated and does great damage to national unity."

The third issues -- transparency and cronyism -- should be one of the most difficult for him to address.

Never having held a prominent economic portfolio in the past, his inexperience may work against him, especially if he allows others too much freedom in their management of the economy.

However, there are those who argue -- and quite persuasively -- that having been ignored by the business community for most of his political career, he has not acquired a coterie of business associates.

The recent MAS airlines share sale and the ongoing saga of Renong and UEM business groups have highlighted again the iniquities of the New Economic Policy (NEP) sparking off a furore.

To his credit, Pak Lah has conceded the importance of rethinking the NEP. He has stressed the need to ensure that the redistribution of wealth and opportunities is more effective and efficient.

But in tackling these issues he will be coming face-to-face with powerful entrenched interests.

If he is serious about pursuing these objectives, he will need to protect his credibility.

All his dealings (and especially those of his family) with the corporate world have to be wholly transparent. Any back-sliding on this front will swiftly destroy -- as Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid is discovering to his chagrin -- much of the goodwill Pak Lah currently enjoys.

Fourthly, the civil society arena. The formation of the National Human Rights Commission (Suhakam) and its growing credibility under Tan Sri Musa Hitam, as well as certain judicial appointments, show an improvement in the government's civil society position.

However, in many ways, Anwar Ibrahim's case remains the litmus test of the government's civil society agenda and, in the years ahead, Pak Lah will have to turn his attention to the knotty problem of his former rival.

But as Michael Vatikiotis, the managing editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review and a seasoned regional commentator, says of him: "He is the epitome of the gentleman politician.

"He (Pak Lah) considers himself a dutiful public servant. Both qualities make for a softer approach to issues and a tendency to seek compromise rather than confrontation. Some consider this a weakness. They are qualities nonetheless."

After two decades of extraordinary growth and traumatic socio- political change, Malaysia needs a period of reconciliation and consolidation.

Maybe Pak Lah, the most underestimated man in Malaysian politics, will be able to heal the country's wounds and prepare the people for the future.

The writer is a Kuala Lumpur-based lawyer and author.

-- The Straits Times/Asia News Network