Lessons behind Sukarno and Hatta's bittersweet relationship

Lessons behind Sukarno and Hatta's bittersweet relationship

This is the first of two articles by Halida Nuriah Hatta
Jusuf, the youngest daughter of Indonesia's first vice president
Mohammad Hatta and a graduate from the International University
of Japan, the Graduate School of International Relations, in
Niigata, Japan. She writes in her introduction that "the
political circumstances that induced differences between Sukarno
and Hatta in the 1950s through 1960s can serve as a political
lesson for the present and future political elite."

Halida earlier graduated in political science from the
University of Indonesia.

JAKARTA (JP): "Come over here and give Eyang (Grandpa) a
kiss!" president Sukarno told me as my sisters and I stepped into
the house from school one afternoon in 1963.

The country's most powerful man was visiting my father,
Mohammad Hatta, who had been just released from Jakarta's public
hospital. President Sukarno had previously come to the hospital
as well to see my father.

Encounters between Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, Indonesia's
first generation leaders, rarely took place since the latter
resigned as vice president on Dec. 1, 1956. Hatta was chosen as
Indonesia's first vice president on Aug. 18, 1945, one day after
Sukarno and he proclaimed and signed national independence.

"Eyang? Why should my daughter call you Eyang?" my mother
protested. "You call me Oom (Uncle,) so I am her Eyang," assured
the president. "Well, but my daughter's father is Bung Hatta, who
is your comrade. Kak Hatta is your equal Oom" insisted my mother.

Conversations between my mother and president Sukarno were
typically candid. Bung Karno was more a family friend to us than
"Mr. President". But things were different the day before. The
security officials came to check every corner of the house,
including small spaces between the beds and the floor.

The political climate then was filled with distrust. The
palace people saw my father as the president's opponent. And my
mother felt insulted. I recall her saying, "They acted as if Bung
Hatta or I would let somebody in to harm 'Mr. King'." In our
family Bung Karno was nicknamed 'Mr. King' because of his grand
posture.

It probably was Bung Karno's first visit after my father
became a private citizen. The president was so eager to make a
house tour. He moved from his seat in the main living room and
walked toward the back part of the house. In his uniform, he
opened the upper door of the pantry. A photographer took
snapshots. "So, you're checking out my pantry too," my mother
said jokingly while starring at him.

A few months later, Bung Karno offered my father a thorough
medical observation in Sweden and asked Dr. Mahar Mardjono, head
of the presidential medical team and an expert in neurology, to
accompany my father.

While in Europe, my father sent Bung Karno letters informing
him of the medical examinations he had undergone. Father also
wrote Bung Karno about the advanced medical technology in Sweden.

In another letter, father shared his views to the President on
the economic developments in some European countries.

Bung Karno was my parents' matchmaker. Through Bung Karno, God
has blessed my sisters and I with wonderful parents. It was also
Bung Karno that matched up my mother's only sister, Tante
(Auntie) Raharty, to Oom Subijakto, Indonesia's first Navy chief
of staff.

The story of the matchmaking was like a charming fairy tale.
During the national struggle, Bung Hatta had vowed he would not
marry before Indonesia achieved independence.

So as the "light of freedom" arose on the horizon, Bung Karno
seriously reminded Bung Hatta about getting married.

The latter could not find any reason to say no. Accompanied by
his physician, Dr. Soeharto, Bung Karno took the initiative of
taking Bung Hatta to the house of Abdul Rachim in Bandung. They
both were Bung Karno's longtime nationalist friends.

It was an unexpected visit by two most influential nationalist
leaders. Bung Karno introduced Bung Hatta to my future grand
parents. Before they could even ask about the actual intention of
such a late visit, Bung Karno said, "Well, I come on Bung Hatta's
behalf to ask for your eldest daughter Rahmi's hand in marriage."

Mrs. Rachim could not believe her ears. Aside from being a
well-known national figure, Bung Hatta was as old as she was. She
said politely that it was not for her or her husband to decide.
Much to her surprise, when Mrs. Rachim told her eldest daughter
about the proposal, the answer was a straight "yes".

Rahmi had never dated anyone before. Neither did she know Bung
Hatta personally, but that night she just had the right
intuition.

My mother told me that she had known my father by listening to
his political speeches, as well as news about his leadership on
radio. In that way, she had silently admired my father.

In one political gathering, my mother and her sister served
tea and cookies to Bung Karno and Bung Hatta. My mother, who had
since her childhood called Bung Karno and his wife, Oom Karno and
Bi (Auntie) Inggit, believed that Oom Karno had chosen a right
husband for her.

My mother once teased me. Her Javanese friends had said my
coming into this world did not bring luck because my father left
office soon after I was born. It was of course nonsense. My
father's decision to step down was due to his growing
dissatisfaction in the period from 1950 to 1956.

I once asked father whether the political rift between Bung
Karno and himself stood as the main reason behind his
resignation.

My father did not elaborate on the disagreements between Bung
Karno and himself. Instead, he pointed out the politics of
adopting the 1950 Constitution as the core of the problem.

In the postrevolutionary period, or after Indonesia gained its
full sovereignty, various political forces in the country favored
the parliamentary system.

The instant adoption of the Provisional Constitution of 1950
which maintained that the president and the vice president
function merely as heads of state, or as symbols, caused the
charismatic dwitunggal leadership (the Sukarno-Hatta partnership)
to lose its legal role of handling the government.

During the physical revolution (1945-1949), the dwitunggal
leadership as an institution had proven to be effective. The
synergy of Sukarno and Hatta's leadership had always overcome
various internal and external crises.

Under the parliamentary system, based on the 1950
Constitution, both Bung Karno and my father felt confined by the
limitations of power. From their position as heads of state,
Sukarno and Hatta saw the failure of political parties in
creating a stable government.

Major political parties were in constant conflict to hold the
government. The rise and fall of coalition Cabinets continued
through the early 1950s. Forgotten was the momentum to build the
country. As my father explained, "Bung Karno became impatient, he
wanted to get things in order. So he crossed the borderline by
initiating political moves."

The impulsiveness could be understood, father said, but from
the constitutional point of view, Bung Karno's actions could not
be justified. In other words, Bung Karno had embarked on a short
cut route to govern the country.