Lessons behind Sukarno and Hatta's bittersweet relationship

This is the first of two articles by Halida Nuriah Hatta Jusuf, the youngest daughter of Indonesia's first vice president Mohammad Hatta and a graduate from the International University of Japan, the Graduate School of International Relations, in Niigata, Japan. She writes in her introduction that "the political circumstances that induced differences between Sukarno and Hatta in the 1950s through 1960s can serve as a political lesson for the present and future political elite."

Halida earlier graduated in political science from the University of Indonesia.

JAKARTA (JP): "Come over here and give Eyang (Grandpa) a kiss!" president Sukarno told me as my sisters and I stepped into the house from school one afternoon in 1963.

The country's most powerful man was visiting my father, Mohammad Hatta, who had been just released from Jakarta's public hospital. President Sukarno had previously come to the hospital as well to see my father.

Encounters between Bung Karno and Bung Hatta, Indonesia's first generation leaders, rarely took place since the latter resigned as vice president on Dec. 1, 1956. Hatta was chosen as Indonesia's first vice president on Aug. 18, 1945, one day after Sukarno and he proclaimed and signed national independence.

"Eyang? Why should my daughter call you Eyang?" my mother protested. "You call me Oom (Uncle,) so I am her Eyang," assured the president. "Well, but my daughter's father is Bung Hatta, who is your comrade. Kak Hatta is your equal Oom" insisted my mother.

Conversations between my mother and president Sukarno were typically candid. Bung Karno was more a family friend to us than "Mr. President". But things were different the day before. The security officials came to check every corner of the house, including small spaces between the beds and the floor.

The political climate then was filled with distrust. The palace people saw my father as the president's opponent. And my mother felt insulted. I recall her saying, "They acted as if Bung Hatta or I would let somebody in to harm 'Mr. King'." In our family Bung Karno was nicknamed 'Mr. King' because of his grand posture.

It probably was Bung Karno's first visit after my father became a private citizen. The president was so eager to make a house tour. He moved from his seat in the main living room and walked toward the back part of the house. In his uniform, he opened the upper door of the pantry. A photographer took snapshots. "So, you're checking out my pantry too," my mother said jokingly while starring at him.

A few months later, Bung Karno offered my father a thorough medical observation in Sweden and asked Dr. Mahar Mardjono, head of the presidential medical team and an expert in neurology, to accompany my father.

While in Europe, my father sent Bung Karno letters informing him of the medical examinations he had undergone. Father also wrote Bung Karno about the advanced medical technology in Sweden.

In another letter, father shared his views to the President on the economic developments in some European countries.

Bung Karno was my parents' matchmaker. Through Bung Karno, God has blessed my sisters and I with wonderful parents. It was also Bung Karno that matched up my mother's only sister, Tante (Auntie) Raharty, to Oom Subijakto, Indonesia's first Navy chief of staff.

The story of the matchmaking was like a charming fairy tale. During the national struggle, Bung Hatta had vowed he would not marry before Indonesia achieved independence.

So as the "light of freedom" arose on the horizon, Bung Karno seriously reminded Bung Hatta about getting married.

The latter could not find any reason to say no. Accompanied by his physician, Dr. Soeharto, Bung Karno took the initiative of taking Bung Hatta to the house of Abdul Rachim in Bandung. They both were Bung Karno's longtime nationalist friends.

It was an unexpected visit by two most influential nationalist leaders. Bung Karno introduced Bung Hatta to my future grand parents. Before they could even ask about the actual intention of such a late visit, Bung Karno said, "Well, I come on Bung Hatta's behalf to ask for your eldest daughter Rahmi's hand in marriage."

Mrs. Rachim could not believe her ears. Aside from being a well-known national figure, Bung Hatta was as old as she was. She said politely that it was not for her or her husband to decide. Much to her surprise, when Mrs. Rachim told her eldest daughter about the proposal, the answer was a straight "yes".

Rahmi had never dated anyone before. Neither did she know Bung Hatta personally, but that night she just had the right intuition.

My mother told me that she had known my father by listening to his political speeches, as well as news about his leadership on radio. In that way, she had silently admired my father.

In one political gathering, my mother and her sister served tea and cookies to Bung Karno and Bung Hatta. My mother, who had since her childhood called Bung Karno and his wife, Oom Karno and Bi (Auntie) Inggit, believed that Oom Karno had chosen a right husband for her.

My mother once teased me. Her Javanese friends had said my coming into this world did not bring luck because my father left office soon after I was born. It was of course nonsense. My father's decision to step down was due to his growing dissatisfaction in the period from 1950 to 1956.

I once asked father whether the political rift between Bung Karno and himself stood as the main reason behind his resignation.

My father did not elaborate on the disagreements between Bung Karno and himself. Instead, he pointed out the politics of adopting the 1950 Constitution as the core of the problem.

In the postrevolutionary period, or after Indonesia gained its full sovereignty, various political forces in the country favored the parliamentary system.

The instant adoption of the Provisional Constitution of 1950 which maintained that the president and the vice president function merely as heads of state, or as symbols, caused the charismatic dwitunggal leadership (the Sukarno-Hatta partnership) to lose its legal role of handling the government.

During the physical revolution (1945-1949), the dwitunggal leadership as an institution had proven to be effective. The synergy of Sukarno and Hatta's leadership had always overcome various internal and external crises.

Under the parliamentary system, based on the 1950 Constitution, both Bung Karno and my father felt confined by the limitations of power. From their position as heads of state, Sukarno and Hatta saw the failure of political parties in creating a stable government.

Major political parties were in constant conflict to hold the government. The rise and fall of coalition Cabinets continued through the early 1950s. Forgotten was the momentum to build the country. As my father explained, "Bung Karno became impatient, he wanted to get things in order. So he crossed the borderline by initiating political moves."

The impulsiveness could be understood, father said, but from the constitutional point of view, Bung Karno's actions could not be justified. In other words, Bung Karno had embarked on a short cut route to govern the country.