Jokowi and the mysticism of Indonesian politics
The Jewish communities across Europe were outraged when in 1666 Sabbatai
Zevi — a rabbi hailed as the messiah — converted to Islam instead of
facing death, following his arrest by the Ottoman authorities in
Istanbul. Most of his followers instantly lost faith but many refused to
come to terms with his final act of treachery, steadfastly clinging to
the belief that Zevi had deliberately become a Muslim to experience evil.
More than three centuries later in Indonesia, ardent supporters of
President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo are having a difficult time acknowledging
his blunders. He was, after all, seen by many as the messianic Ratu Adil
(Just King), prophesied to usher in a golden age for the country.
When the President, better known as Jokowi, nominated police general
Budi Gunawan as the sole candidate for the position of chief of National
Police, there was a general outcry of disbelief. Given his publicly
declared commitment against corruption, the decision came as a surprise,
especially as the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) had told Mr
Widodo the general was under investigation for graft.
Criticised for bowing to the pressure from his political patron Megawati
Soekarnoputri, chairwoman of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle
(PDI-P), the President proved himself willing to compromise his stance
on corruption.
However, his supporters deflected the criticism by saying it had been a
“brilliant stroke” to frustrate Ms Megawati’s plan by “borrowing the
legislature’s hand” to deal the blow. Under this scenario, the House of
Representatives (DPR) was bound to reject the nomination of such a
controversial figure, enabling Mr Widodo to nip Mr Gunawan’s candidacy
in the bud without offending his patron.
The thesis naturally crumbled when the DPR confounded everyone by
ratifying the nomination.
Again, when Mr Widodo supported the suspension of the Football
Association of Indonesia (PSSI) by the Ministry of Sports and Youth
Affairs, his supporters claimed that it was part of a crackdown on
rampant corruption within the PSSI, even alleging the body was
controlled by a “mafia” connected with the family business of Golkar
Party chairman Aburizal Bakrie.
In a nation crazed with football, the disquiet about PSSI suspension was
to be expected because the move would lead to a ban on Indonesia by FIFA
from competing internationally.
Amid the commotion, FIFA itself was engulfed in a corruption scandal
which led to the resignation of its president Sepp Blatter. FIFA’s
disgrace was subsequently used by the Indonesian President’s supporters
to justify the government’s stance on PSSI, some even going as far as
suggesting it was a sign of divine favour.
END OF MYSTICISM?
Such reasoning is inevitably common in Indonesia, where the highest
political office in the land is still seen by many, especially among the
Javanese, in the context of sacred kingship.
No one can successfully become President without acquiring the heavenly
mandate (wahyu keprabon). So, apart from being the manifestation of
popular will, the President elect is also God’s chosen.
The Serat Jayabaya, a set of chronicles and stanzas attributed to the
12th-century king of Kediri Jayabaya, mentioned the messianic figure of
Ratu Adil or Just King. The prophecies were later expanded by the
19th-century Javanese poet laureate in Surakarta, Raden Ngabehi Rangga
Warsita, who described seven knights or satria. These seven leaders,
said the mystical poet, would precede the Ratu Adil, starting with
Satria Kinunjara Murwa Kuncara and ending with Satria Pinandhita
Sinisihan Wahyu.
The mystical stanzas, much like those of Nostradamus, are open to
interpretation.
Before the 2014 presidential election, for example, Mr Widodo was
identified as the Ratu Adil. Others connected him with the last of the
seven leaders. The title Kinunjara in the first knight’s name was
decoded to mean “often imprisoned” while Murwa Kuncara was explained as
“famed throughout the world.”
In the new reading, the first knight was identified as Indonesia’s first
President Sukarno. Mr Widodo, on the other hand, was said to be Satria
Pinandhita Sinisihan Wahyu, or the Knight Priest who is guided by divine
decree.
There is no proof that the stanzas attributed to Jayabaya were indeed
written over 900 years ago. But the history of poet Rangga Warsita was
better documented. We know that his father died while being imprisoned
by the colonial Dutch rulers who also suspected the poet of using his
works to promote anti-Dutch sentiments.
Rangga Warsita also completed the bulk of his works during a period of
intense court intrigues and conflicts involving the Surakartan king
Pakubuwana VI, Prince Diponegoro and the Dutch, which ended in the exile
of Pakubuwana and the arrest of Diponegoro. Thus the poet had every
reason to despise the Dutch and resent their rule over Java. The
yearning for a glorious messianic age contained in his stanzas was
perhaps inspired by the historical circumstances of his day.
The Jews of Sabbatai Zevi’s days lived roughly a hundred years earlier
than Rangga Warsita, equally gripped by a messianic fervour as a result
of their discrimination by the European goyim. Such messianism is
largely gone from the Jewish communities of today but it persists in the
nationalist discourse of Indonesia.
It remains to be seen whether the dashed hopes for Mr Widodo as Ratu
Adil will finally see the last of mysticism in Indonesian politics.
Johannes Nugroho is a writer and businessman from Surabaya.