JAKARTA (JP): President Megawati Soekarnoputri's choice to

JAKARTA (JP): President Megawati Soekarnoputri's choice to visit the ASEAN capitals was right as a reaffirmation of her pledge to make ASEAN once again the cornerstone of Indonesia's foreign policy. It was a necessary first step to rectify her predecessor's virtual neglect and even, in some cases, snub of Indonesia's neighbors.

She was also right in saying before the Indonesian community in Bangkok during her visit there that Indonesia must put its own house in order before it can resume its role in ASEAN. Indonesia's role in the region as well as in the wider international arena needs to be sustained by its domestic stability and credibility.

It seems doubtful, however, if there has been "a consensus within ASEAN that Indonesia takes most of the initiatives and leadership within the organization simply because it is the largest member". She said, "Indonesia must live up to its title as the 'big brother' of the region." And she wished people would stop putting quotation marks around the words "big brother" whenever referring to the role that Indonesia should play in ASEAN.

Well, I, for one, will continue to put quotation marks around those words, unless I feel assured that the title "big brother" is willingly conferred upon Indonesia by the rest of ASEAN rather than self-proclaimed by Indonesian leaders. And only then will I stop using the term in a positive sense.

Indeed, I may be out of date and out of touch with current foreign affairs, but my understanding is that the term "big brother" -- in reference to "big-brother attitude" or "big- brother policy" in international affairs -- normally indicates a feeling of resentment on the part of target countries against the bullying tactics of bigger and more powerful neighbors.

Indeed, Indonesians referred to the Japanese as a "big brother", a term imposed as a propaganda tool by the Japanese during the three and a half years of occupation. Many Indonesians might have done it out of fear or ignorance, or both, and a few leaders were perhaps innocently convinced of the Japanese goodwill and intention.

Would, however, Indonesians today accept or tolerate a bullying behavior toward them by China, Japan, India or the USA and still regard any of them as a "big brother"? I very much doubt it.

Terms and concepts die hard in international politics. The most that our neighbors in ASEAN could tolerate, if not necessarily publicly and explicitly expressed, is probably Indonesia's status within ASEAN as primus inter pares (first among equals). Indonesia should strive for no higher status than that. The power of a state is not simply measured by the number of its population, the size of its territory, and the wealth of its natural resources and its cultural richness, but also its human resources, its advancement in technology, its economic power, its military strength, its democracy and stability, and thus its political influence.

However, Indonesia does occupy a special place in Southeast Asia. That is to say, in the past, it was perceived by its neighbors as a potential threat to their security, and thus to the security of the region in military or expansionist terms. Indonesia's success in recovering West Irian in the 1960s, its policy of confrontation against Malaysia, and its annexation of East Timor were seen as historical evidence of Indonesia's expansionist ambition.

Even today, Indonesia remains a potential threat to the security of its neighbors. Now, however, that threat is not to be understood in military or expansionist terms, but rather in social, political and economic terms because of the multidimensional crisis that has beset the country for the past few years.

The flow of "boat people" from Indonesia seeking a better life in the neighboring countries is not to be underestimated. This would be a "spillover" of Indonesia's domestic troubles into its neighbors.

ASEAN would tend to render Indonesia "less menacing". Indonesia would, as it were, tend to be "domesticated" rather than outside the association.

I recall cases when there were complaints by Singaporeans, Filipinos (in reference to their dispute with Malaysia over Sabah, for instance), and Malaysians about "big brother" behavior on the part of Indonesians (particularly diplomats and other high-ranking officials) for some signs of what they perceived, rightly or wrongly, as interference in their domestic affairs. One Indonesian diplomat was even declared persona non grata by the Philippine government.

In her speech, the President also called on her compatriots everywhere to build up their self-confidence, For Indonesia to be able to take a leadership position, she said, "the recipe is to build a strong national identity, self-respect and self- confidence". That's fine. But with what, Ma'am, just slogans?

Indonesians abroad, she said, "must never shy away from publicly identifying their nationality no matter how appalling conditions in their home country are and no matter what other people think of Indonesia. I have met many people who said they were ashamed to be Indonesians." Who has made them ashamed? Is it their fault?

People can only be proud, at least not ashamed, of their national identity only if their state delivers the goods it has promised. After all, most Indonesians are citizens of this republic not out of choice. The state must give them good reasons to be proud of their membership. Or else, they have the right (one of the human rights) to leave their country -- provided, of course, there is some country that would accept them!

Former president Abdurrahman Wahid acted as his own foreign minister and bungled. President Megawati need not do that. Though most probably not well-versed in foreign affairs, she now has an experienced diplomat as her foreign minister. Foreign affairs do not seem to be where she needs to prove herself, if she really feels the need to prove herself, that is. For the outcome may be precisely the opposite.

Conducting foreign policy the way president Sukarno did in his era almost four decades ago is no longer relevant to the rapidly changing world of today. In fact, it is questionable if it was ever effective at all in the last few years of his presidency from the point of view of Indonesia's national interest.

We must move forward with the fast progress of the world, not back to the past. Or else we may end up the laughing stock in the international community for being so outrageously out of tune and wide of the mark.

2. 4Setneg -- The return of Bambang Kesowo 1 x 42 36pt Optima Bold

Bambang Kesowo's return revives past fear

By Kornelius Purba

JAKARTA (JP): Many fear that the promotion of Bambang Kesowo as State Secretary/Cabinet Secretary by President Megawati Soekarnoputri will also mean the revival of the office, in the past described as the feared super ministry. It was even branded "a state within a state" by her predecessor Abdurrahman Wahid.

Megawati's quiet character, her reluctance to talk to the press and her preference for a rigid protocol and tight security, have also fueled public suspicion that the State Secretariat and the presidential office would repeat the past practices.

The State Secretariat under then president Soeharto mirrored the office of an iron-fist man where practically no one including the House of Representatives (DPR) and the Supreme Audit Agency (BPK) had the guts to probe the office.

Third president Abdurrahman tried to clean up the Secretariat by placing inexperienced friends into strategic positions and added the number of his secretaries, but many alleged that the corruption that followed was not very different from the previous situation.

Among Abdurrahman's first decisions as president was trimming the Secretariat. Initially he wanted to reduce the number of the 3,000 employees to only 800 staff members.

Abdurrahman reportedly harbored a grudge against the office because he had often suffered from its corruption, when presidential funds for the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organization which he chaired, were often cut by the officials.

Megawati's strong confidence in Bambang after his disgraceful fall from the once powerful State Secretariat under president B.J. Habibie three years ago does not only mean a personal "revival". It can indeed also mean the return of the State Secretariat to its original power.

Born on March 27, 1945, Bambang obtained his Master's Degree from Harvard Law School in 1983. He was continuing his studies at the same university when Megawati asked him to become her aide two months after her election as vice president in October 1999.

Bambang himself has openly pledged to return the power of the State Secretariat (Setneg). "A strong but transparent and efficient State Secretariat is needed to back up the President," Bambang hinted.

Habibie sacked Bambang as Cabinet vice secretary only four months after replacing Soeharto in May 1998, amid allegations that Bambang had received US$2 million in bribes to speed up the bankruptcy law and his blunder in the drafting of the widely opposed government regulation on freedom of expression.

Bambang complained at that time that he was only made a scapegoat by Habibie after the regulation received strong opposition from students and anti-government groups. After losing his position he then had to use a very small office just a few meters from his previous room virtually without office facilities.

Ironically former state secretary Akbar Tandjung who had privately informed Bambang about Habibie's decision to sack him reportedly rang him up upon his recent appointment and asked him to reorganize the office and return it to it former stature.

Bambang who had worked in the position of Cabinet vice secretary for five years under Soeharto, was in charge of drafting bills, government regulations and presidential decrees under Soeharto's rule.

Many of the presidential decisions or government regulations were merely meant to justify the business activities, corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN) practices of Soeharto's children and cronies. State Secretary officials often collaborated with them in enriching themselves.

At that time the office also supervised state ministries, lucrative state-owned companies like oil firm Pertamina. Government officials like governors, and even ministers could not do much to resist pressures from the presidential office.

But now the situation has totally changed compared to under Soeharto's era. The center of power is no longer dominated by the President, because power distribution has rapidly spread to the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR), the House, political parties, the press, non-government organizations and students.

Megawati needs a strong bureaucracy, and the replacement of current civil servants with fresh people at the presidential office will not guarantee improvement. Abdurrahman failed to do so.

The House and the Ministry of Justice and Human Rights have replaced Bambang's office in drafting bills. The presidential office is no longer a "sacred" place where no outsiders can come in. Soeharto had huge sources of funds to finance his presidency, including secret funds and the presidential aid funds (Banpres). Some of the funds reportedly still exists up to now.

When she was still vice president Megawati had realized her lack of experience in bureaucracy. She did not change the bureaucracy structure at the Merdeka Selatan Palace. She recruited Bambang although she had not known him before. Former state secretary Moerdiono reportedly recommended Bambang's name to Megawati.

Megawati learned from Abdurrahman's bitter experience after selecting journalist Ratih Hardjono as presidential secretary. Ratih did not only fail to weaken the office but even fell victim to her measures. Among others she had replaced a number of State Secretariat staff and tried to reduce the traditional involvement of the office's bureaus in the issuance of presidential decrees, only to find that it was all quite a handful.

In a recent conversation with Bambang, he vowed his best to help Megawati in leading the country. He said as a civil servant he had reached the highest level, and as an experienced legal expert he could easily open a law firm once he was no longer in the government.

A strong State Secretariat is needed to back up Megawati in her duties during these difficult times. She fully realizes the past practices in the office, and as the daughter of president Sukarno she learned how her father handled the strong office.

Bambang has the chance to prove whether public perception of him is misleading, and whether he is really a valuable asset for President Megawati.

3. 4Star -- Tough measures needed against illegals 1 x 35 36pt NCSB

Tough action needed against illegals By V.K.Chin

KUALA LUMPUR: The Government has no alternative but to adopt tougher measures to stop the endless flow of illegal immigrants into the country. Unless this is done, the situation could become unbearable with serious consequences to the nation's security, health and social well-being.

Apart from heavier fines and enhanced jail term targeted at employers and those who harbor such illegals, caning is to be introduced against such uninvited visitors. The public will be happy with the stiffer penalties as the people are feeling uncomfortable with the illegals' unwanted presence.

As with all new laws, what is important is implementation and the government must not be afraid to use its additional powers. In fact, caning must be made mandatory on those who purposely flout the law.

Similar punishment should also be meted out to those who overstayed in order to look for work or engaged in criminal activities. Such acts should not be tolerated and the best way for the government to show that it means business is to act swiftly and decisively.

Almost all the men come here to look for work as it is easy to earn a living in Malaysia where the authorities have been quite lenient on this issue due to the labor shortage.

Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi has already warned the illegals to get out before the new measures come into force as there will be no amnesty which was granted previously to cleanse the country of such elements.

This is therefore a warning which both the illegals, the employers and those who provide comfort and shelter to these foreigners should take note of before it is too late.

They should not complain if action should be taken against them later for flouting the law. The inflow of such visitors has continued unabated because they feel that the Malaysian government will not take any drastic action against them.

All that is likely to happen is that the enforcement agencies will round them up, if they are unfortunate enough to get caught, put them in detention centers for a while before being deported.

But once they realize that the circumstances have changed, they will get the message. However this new development will not have any impact if enforcement should be ineffective.

If the illegals caught should be caned before being sent home, the pain and suffering they endure will ensure that they will think many times before committing the same offense again.

Their fellow countrymen will also be discouraged to enter the country illegally or else they will have to face the pain and humiliation of being caned should they be caught.

The detention and deportation of the illegals is an expensive exercise and to be successful, it will also require the close co- operation of the governments of these illegal visitors.

Regrettably, some of them are making it difficult and not assisting in the deportation process. The embassies here are not even prepared to accept that some of the illegals are their own nationals due to the absence of valid documents.

They are not prepared to share the expenses involved in sending their own citizens home. And without the necessary documents, it will be difficult for the Malaysian government to prove the illegals' nationalities.

-- The Star/Asia News Network