Hullabaloo exposes VP's political ambitions
Hullabaloo exposes VP's political ambitions
Meidyatama Suryodiningrat, Jakarta
How interesting that two days before the Islamic Day of Sacrifice (Idul Adha), the Vice President's Office seemingly sacrificed a scapegoat of their own.
Something is definitely amiss. Whether caused by malice or incompetence, a number of bizarre episodes have emanated from the Vice Presidential Office since Jusuf Kalla's assumed office.
The latest humiliation resulted in the "resignation" of Vice Presidential Secretary Prijono Tjiptoherijanto over a Dec. 27, 2004, circular addressed to Cabinet Ministers and heads of government agencies.
The circular, signed by Prijono, belittled government hearings by House of Representatives's legislators and effectively deemed them irrelevant.
Kalla denied personal liability, saying Prijono "misinterpreted" his instructions and exceeded his authority. Like a "good" bureaucrat, Prijono accepted full responsibility while refusing to divulge if someone other than himself was to blame.
Prijono, 56, hails from a strong academic background -- recognized as an Exemplary Lecturer at the University of Indonesia in 1983 and Outstanding Indonesian Scientist of 1990.
However he is no stranger to bureaucratic protocol. The writer of three books -- Economics of Human Resources, Administrative and Human Resources Reform, and the Economics of Health -- has in the last decade been more of a bureaucrat than an academic, serving as deputy head of the State Administrative Institute (LAN) and head of the State Employment Agency before being appointed as Vice Presidential Secretary in April 2002 under Hamzah Haz.
His rise in the civil service was largely based on his competence as a straight by-the-book bureaucrat. Furthermore, he has never been a stooge of any political party.
Hence, unless they spoke in different languages, it is difficult to fathom how such a well-educated man -- a doctorate in economics from the University of Hawaii -- could misinterpret Kalla's remarks and then draw up a specific four-point circular.
Even more bizarre is Kalla's accusation that Prijono was also to blame for the confusion over former State Intelligence Body Hendropriyono and Minister Hari Sabarno's military rank promotion during President Megawati Soekarnoputri's last days in office.
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla are equally concerned with the growing power of the House of Representatives, and both, in their own way would like to find ways to curb legislators' authority.
But the risque manner in which the latest measure was taken bears more of the hallmarks of Kalla's entrepreneurial risk- taking character than Susilo's deliberating style.
The surprise etched on Susilo's face when queried about the circular during a hearing with legislators last week further confirmed that he was oblivious to it.
"Exceeding authority" seems to be a consistent theme coming out of Kalla's office. From the outset of Susilo's presidency, Kalla has refused to remain a silent partner. The drama in the formation of the Cabinet in part was a result of Kalla's "input" in the selection process.
In the wake of the tsunami disaster, Kalla's office issued a "decree" to establish a team to deal with the crisis. The problem was, however, that such a vice presidential decree is not recognized under the law.
Neither does the Constitution cede executive power to the vice president, the kind which Kalla is attempting to wield. Many analysts earlier predicted that Kalla would not remain in the president's shadow.
Having helped bankroll Susilo's presidential campaign, Kalla is not there just to enjoy the ride. The series of recent "scandals" may reveal some of his true ambition. They seemingly reinforce his stake as deputy chief executive, despite a lack of constitutional articles to be legitimate.
Kalla's personal confidence has steadily grown over the past year. A string of successful gambles -- from deserting Golkar to joining Susilo's presidential team to capturing the Golkar leadership in mid-December -- has strengthened the perception that it is he who tips the balance of political clout.
As chairman of the largest faction in the legislature, Kalla certainly has a more strategic value than his predecessors. But the over-enthusiasm of the last few weeks seems to have backfired.
Susilo was quick to grasp that Kalla's creeping assertion of power not only erodes the president's own, but every emerging controversy coming out of the vice president's office is a black mark on the president's leadership.
Friday's announcement that the president is revamping the presidential/vice presidential offices can only be seen as a means of reasserting authority and keeping clear tabs on any move made within Palace circles.
The president's review of the National Disaster Management and Refugee Coordination Board (Bakornas PBP) headed by Kalla is also a stinging critique of the vice president's endeavors so far.
The public denials and smiles at photo-ops in Cabinet meetings belie the brewing rivalry, and round one goes to the president who has taken clear action in nipping things in the bud. But the concealed enmity will continue and will only sharpen.
The president may have formal-legalistic power in his arsenal, but Kalla has the "real politic" clout of Golkar behind him.
The next encounter could emerge when the president needs to pass a controversial bill in the legislature. Can Kalla extract something back by using Golkar's clout in the House to trade support for political favors with the president?
Let round two begin.